Joseph W. Rogers

Fighting Back: Nine Modes of Adaptation to a Deviant Label

After a brief review of selected concerns about labelling theory, we focus on two principal indictments: (1) viewing the labellee as overly passive; and (2) viewing the labellee in individual rather than in collective analytical units. Taking the position that labelling stigma has been emphasized to the neglect of systematically delineating “fighting-back” techniques, we present a nine-cell typology of adaptations. These are conceived in terms of tactical and societal relationships considered within a social interaction frame of reference. Stressing process, the typology is developed as possessing entrances, motion within, and exits. Accordingly, adaptation is not limited to single cells but is discussed in terms of hypothetical modular paths.

Book Reviews : Community-Managed Corrections and Other Solutions to America's Prison Crisis by Lauen, Roger J. Laurel, MD: American Correctional Association, 1988: 152 pages. Price (soft cover): ACA members,

This monograph is actually two small books in one. The first renders a forceful, documented consideration of American corrections; the second provides the author’s case for what he terms, &dquo;Community-Managed Corrections.&dquo; Each treatise complements the other in an overall portrayal of a system in crisis; albeit, one with some glimmers of hope on the horizon. Lauen’s primary assault is directed at an archaic prison system sunken in a mire of overcrowding, mismanagement, ineffectiveness, and increasing costs. A system which extracts funds from such crucial needs as education, health, and the environment. He notes that the United States has one of the highestincarceration rates on theplanet, linking us with such social oppressive countries as South Africa and the Soviet Union, where incarceration rates are still lower than the District of Columbia. Unfortunately, the problem is exacerbated by escalating prison populations, and fueled by myopic public faith in punitive policies. The trouble, of course, is that many such policies (e.g. mandatory or determinate sentences) have little effect on crime rates, and even make conditions worse throughout the criminal justice systems. Fundamental to his analysis is that many middle class citizens m~isperceive criminal sanctions because they are deterred by current penalties, have internalized values of the larger community, and believe society is working for them. But, adds Lauen, &dquo;They are not living in poor housing, wor~ng in marginal employment, addicted to alcohol or drugs. Hence, they are making rational choices from areasonably comfortabteposition&dquo; (p. 28). Lauen sees many offenders, such as those living in Spanish Harkm possessing a contrasting set of values, shattered social bonds, and thus having little to lose

13.95, non-members

If, as Shakespeare once wrote, &dquo;there is nothing either good or bad, but thinking makes it so,&dquo; then the likely response to this work will surely illustrate the aptness of his insight. Reaction to Understanding Street Gangs will almost certainly depend on a combination of the expectations and background one brings to its reading. Thus a dilemma arises for this particular reviewer which involves fairness to the authors and their potential audience. At the outset, it is especially important to note this book was written by &dquo;two veteran law enforcement officers with a combined experience of over twenty years assigned to specialized gang units&dquo; (p. ix). Both are sergeants: Robert Jackson in a large modern metropolitan police department; Wesley McBride in a large progressive sheriff’s department. Both gentlemen have qualified as court experts on gang affairs, have lectured extensively on the topic, and &dquo;hold advanced degrees from recognized universities.&dquo; The strengths of the book rest on the rich array of their practical experience, the weaknesses on their omission, almost entirely, of any reference to an equally rich array of parallel theory and research literature. This obvious imbalance will account for some of the &dquo;polar&dquo; reviews the book is certain to receive.

16.95

Approximately one decade ago, Robert Martinson (The Public Interest, 1974) assaulted American criminologists with the question, &dquo;What works?&dquo; His answer: &dquo;Nothing works.&dquo; Now Samuel Walker essentially asks, &dquo;What matters?&dquo; His answer: &dquo;Nothing Matters.&dquo; If there is a sequel in the offing, it will surely ask, &dquo;Who cares.?&dquo; with the answer, &dquo;No one.&dquo; If indeed nothing works, nothing matters, and no one cares, American criminology is in dire shape-worse than most of us have thought. But hold! Is this really what’s being said? Do we have here an instance of &dquo;sense&dquo; or &dquo;nonsense?&dquo; or perhaps a combination of the two? A bit of both I think. So let’s begin anew. As Walker notes, Martinson did not actually claim that nothing works. His study found positive outcomes in a sizable number of correctional programs, some 48 percent reporting at least some measurable success. Nevertheless, by the mid-1970’s &dquo;profound disillusionment&dquo; had infested many dominant ideas and programs in criminal justice&dquo; (p. 168). Nor does Walker quite assert that nothing matters, although in truth it sometimes seems so-just as with the common translation of Martinson. Why is this? Primarily, it is so because the spine of the book consists of 28 propositions, the bulk of which are real downers,