Joy D. Osofsky

Chronic Community Violence: What Is Happening to Our Children?

Chronic violence is a growing problem in our society today as evidenced, among other factors, by the ever-increasing murder rate in many of our large urban centers in the United States. Emphasis has begun to be placed on chronic violence, causes that may contribute to it, and the impact of this violence on cities and the country at large. While concern has been expressed, we still have not addressed adequately, nor do we fully understand, the effects on the children who must grow up in environments where they are repeatedly being exposed to significant levels of violence.

Prevalence of children's exposure to domestic violence and child maltreatment: Implications for prevention and intervention

The purpose of this paper is to review research on the prevalence of childrens exposure to domestic violence, to consider the available literature on the co-occurrence of domestic violence and child maltreatment, and to gain more understanding about the impact of exposure on children. There is clear evidence indicating that both severe and moderate violence occurs frequently in homes among family members and that children are exposed to this violence. However, because of differing definitions of what constitutes domestic violence and variability in research methodologies for collecting the data, there are significant discrepancies in prevalence reports across studies. Of great concern is the immediate impact on the children and the long-term consequences for their later relationships. Fewer studies have been done on the co-occurrence of domestic violence and child maltreatment. However, it is likely that children who live in homes where domestic violence occurs are more likely to be abused and neglected. On the basis of available research, there is little doubt that vast numbers of children are exposed to domestic violence and that childrens responses vary widely depending on their risk and vulnerability, as well as the structure of their environments. A developmental risk and protective factors framework will be used to integrate the information on childrens exposure to violence.

Disasters and Their Impact on Child Development: Introduction to the Special Section

Disasters touch the lives of millions of children every year in many forms. These include natural disasters such as earthquakes, hurricanes, tornadoes, fires, or floods; human-made disasters of armed conflict, genocide, industrial accidents, or terrorism; and disease outbreaks. Interest in the impact of disasters on children among scientists dates back decades to the beginnings of research into risk and resilience in development (Garmezy, 1985; Garmezy & Rutter, 1983). For many years, only a small number of scattered studies of disasters were published on young people, often in the wake of a major catastrophe, such as the Buffalo Creek disaster (Erikson, 1978; Green et al., 1991; Newman, 1976), World War II and the Holocaust (Freud & Burlingham, 1943; Moscovitz, 1985), or a major fire (McFarlane, 1987). In the beginning of the 21st century, with the rise in international terrorism, concerns about flu pandemic, an alarming sequence of natural and human-designed disasters around the world, and globalization of media coverage, there is increasing attention to the consequences of disaster for children and youth (La Greca, Silverman, Vernberg, & Roberts, 2002; Masten & Obradovic, 2008; Osofsky, Osofsky, & Harris, 2007; Sagi-Schwarz, Seginer, & Abdeen, 2008). Research into disasters has accelerated despite inherent difficulties in conducting research in the context of catastrophic events. Given the importance of understanding how different types of disasters may impact development for children and families, it was timely to devote a special section of this journal to the impact of disasters on child development. The goal of the special section on disasters and child development was to provide an opportunity for researchers around the world to examine how disasters of nature and human design might affect children of different ages, experiences, cultures, and contexts, as well as how exposure to a disaster may alter developmental processes or developmental trajectories. Potential contributors were invited to submit a letter of intent by January 15, 2008, and 67 letters for different possible contributions were received. We invited 39 potential contributors to submit full manuscripts for review by May 1, 2008. The 15 articles comprising this special section represent 22% of the submitted letters of intent and 45% of the manuscripts that were submitted for review. The process of review was complicated by the diversity of the submissions in terms of disaster types and contexts, ages of disaster victims, nationality of authors, disciplinary approach, methods, and focus of the articles (e.g., empirical, conceptual, review, commentary). As editors for this special section, we strove to capture a broad representation of contemporary international scholarship from among the submissions that would reflect the diversity in the field. We were well aware of the challenges of conducting research in the context of disaster (discussed further below) and the constraints posed by ethical and practical dilemmas. In some cases, a study represents rare data obtained by methods that may not meet typical standards of scientific rigor because of the study context (e.g., naturalistic studies in the field or remote locations after a disaster). In all cases, we based the editorial decisions on our judgment of the potential value and unique contribution of the article in the context of current knowledge. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ann S. Masten, University of Minnesota, 51 East River Road, Minneapolis, MN, 55455, or Joy D. Osofsky, Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center, 1542 Tulane Avenue, New Orleans, LA 70112. Electronic mail may be sent to amasten@ umn.edu or josofs@lsuhsc.edu. Child Development, July/August 2010, Volume 81, Number 4, Pages 1029–1039

Children of Katrina: Lessons Learned About Postdisaster Symptoms and Recovery Patterns

Trauma symptoms, recovery patterns, and life stressors of children between the ages of 9 and 18 (n = 387) following Hurricane Katrina were assessed using an adapted version of the National Child Traumatic Stress Network Hurricane Assessment and Referral Tool for Children and Adolescents (National Child Traumatic Stress Network, 2005). Based on assessments 2 and 3 years after the hurricane, most children showed a decrease in posttraumatic stress and depression symptoms over time. Students were also classified into outcome trajectories of stress resistant, normal response and recovery, delayed breakdown, and breakdown without recovery (A. S. Masten & J. Obradovic, 2008). Age, gender, and life stressors were related to these recovery patterns. Overall, the findings highlight the importance of building and maintaining supportive relationships following disasters.

Disasters and their impact on child development

Disasters touch the lives of millions of children every year in many forms. These include natural disasters such as earthquakes, hurricanes, tornadoes, fires, or floods; human-made disasters of armed conflict, genocide, industrial accidents, or terrorism; and disease outbreaks. Interest in the impact of disasters on children among scientists dates back decades to the beginnings of research into risk and resilience in development (Garmezy, 1985; Garmezy & Rutter, 1983). For many years, only a small number of scattered studies of disasters were published on young people, often in the wake of a major catastrophe, such as the Buffalo Creek disaster (Erikson, 1978; Green et al., 1991; Newman, 1976), World War II and the Holocaust (Freud & Burlingham, 1943; Moscovitz, 1985), or a major fire (McFarlane, 1987). In the beginning of the 21st century, with the rise in international terrorism, concerns about flu pandemic, an alarming sequence of natural and human-designed disasters around the world, and globalization of media coverage, there is increasing attention to the consequences of disaster for children and youth (La Greca, Silverman, Vernberg, & Roberts, 2002; Masten & Obradovic, 2008; Osofsky, Osofsky, & Harris, 2007; Sagi-Schwarz, Seginer, & Abdeen, 2008). Research into disasters has accelerated despite inherent difficulties in conducting research in the context of catastrophic events. Given the importance of understanding how different types of disasters may impact development for children and families, it was timely to devote a special section of this journal to the impact of disasters on child development. The goal of the special section on disasters and child development was to provide an opportunity for researchers around the world to examine how disasters of nature and human design might affect children of different ages, experiences, cultures, and contexts, as well as how exposure to a disaster may alter developmental processes or developmental trajectories. Potential contributors were invited to submit a letter of intent by January 15, 2008, and 67 letters for different possible contributions were received. We invited 39 potential contributors to submit full manuscripts for review by May 1, 2008. The 15 articles comprising this special section represent 22% of the submitted letters of intent and 45% of the manuscripts that were submitted for review. The process of review was complicated by the diversity of the submissions in terms of disaster types and contexts, ages of disaster victims, nationality of authors, disciplinary approach, methods, and focus of the articles (e.g., empirical, conceptual, review, commentary). As editors for this special section, we strove to capture a broad representation of contemporary international scholarship from among the submissions that would reflect the diversity in the field. We were well aware of the challenges of conducting research in the context of disaster (discussed further below) and the constraints posed by ethical and practical dilemmas. In some cases, a study represents rare data obtained by methods that may not meet typical standards of scientific rigor because of the study context (e.g., naturalistic studies in the field or remote locations after a disaster). In all cases, we based the editorial decisions on our judgment of the potential value and unique contribution of the article in the context of current knowledge. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ann S. Masten, University of Minnesota, 51 East River Road, Minneapolis, MN, 55455, or Joy D. Osofsky, Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center, 1542 Tulane Avenue, New Orleans, LA 70112. Electronic mail may be sent to amasten@ umn.edu or josofs@lsuhsc.edu. Child Development, July/August 2010, Volume 81, Number 4, Pages 1029–1039

Posttraumatic Stress Symptoms in Children After Hurricane Katrina: Predicting the Need for Mental Health Services

The purpose of this study was to examine factors related to the development of posttraumatic stress symptoms in children and adolescents after Hurricane Katrina. It was hypothesized that a positive correlation would exist between trauma exposure variables and symptoms indicating need for mental health services experienced 2 years after Hurricane Katrina. Specifically, the authors hypothesized that experiences associated with natural disaster including personal loss, separation from family and/or community, and lack of community support as well as previous loss or trauma would be related to increased symptomatology in both children and adolescents. This study included 7,258 children and adolescents from heavily affected Louisiana parishes. Measures included the Hurricane Assessment and Referral Tool for Children and Adolescents developed by the National Child Traumatic Stress Network (NCTSN, 2005). Results were generally supportive of our hypotheses, and specific exposure and demographic variables were found to be strongly related to posttraumatic stress symptoms in children and adolescents.

Adolescent and older mothers: Comparison between prenatal maternal variables and newborn interaction measures☆

Abstract It is commonly believed that adolescent pregnancy results in greater risk for the young mother and her infant than does pregnancy that occurs at a later age. In order to gain a better understanding of these differences, prenatal and newborn variables were compared for adolescent and nonadolescent mothers. Data are presented and compared from an on-going longitudinal study of risk and protective factors tar adolescent mothers and their infants and a study exploring risk factors for nonadolescent mothers and their infants using comparable measures. One hundred and thirty adolescent mothers and 86 married primiparous non-adolescent mothers were followed. The results indicated that measures of birth weight, gestational age, and 1- and 5-min Apgar scores did not differ between the two groups. Maternal psychosocial characteristics, however, did differ. Adolescent mothers reported being less happy about being pregnant and had less social support. Adolescent mothers also reported less support from the father of the infant. During a newborn feeding interaction, the adolescent mothers vocalized less to their infants than nonadolescent mothers. Implications of the findings for prediction of parenting practices and preventive intervention are discussed.

Intervention Challenges with Adolescent Mothers and Their Infants

Adolescent pregnancy is a major social issue resulting in significant risk for both the infants and young mothers. In this paper, we will describe the effects of an intervention program for adolescent mothers and their infants, including the complexities of evaluating the effects of intervention for risk groups. More than half of the teenagers in the United States are sexually active, and more than 1.1 million become pregnant each year. It has been estimated that in 1981 approximately 22% of sexually active teens 15-19 experienced a pregnancy (Hofferth 1984). Among teen pregnancies, 70-80% are unintended and unwanted (PPFA 1984). Adolescent mothers and their infants appear to be at higher risk than older mothers for a variety of medical complications that may affect subsequent infant health and may impact on infant development and parent-infant interaction. While a number of studies have indicated that the biomedical risk for teenage mothers, especially those ages 15 and older, can be decreased considerably with adequate nutrition and proper prenatal care (Carey et al. 1983; Osofsky 1968; Osofsky and Osofsky 1970), for a variety of reasons, most teens do not receive the type of prenatal care that would most likely minimize risk and optimize outcome. Adolescent mothers are more likely than their nonpregnant peers to have lower education attainment, lesser job and economic success, and less frequent marital stability (Furstenberg 1976; Simkins 1984).

Speaking for the baby: A therapeutic intervention with adolescent mothers and their infants

Adolescent mothers frequently experience problems in mother-infant interaction. However, intervention can be very difficult, particularly when complicated by unresolved conflicts involving relationships in the young womans past. This article describes a therapeutic intervention, based on the work of Fraiberg, which allows the young mother to learn to interpret her infants cues while also encouraging her to express her own emotions in the context of the mother-infant relationship. Two case studies are discussed to illustrate the use of the technique as part of a program of mother-infant intervention.

Adolescent and Older Mothers' Interaction Patterns with their Six-Month-Old Infants.

Children of adolescent mothers suffer more physical, intellectual, and emotional difficulties than do other children. In order to gain a better understanding of the differences, the interaction patterns of adolescent mothers and non-adolescent mothers interacting with their young infants were compared. One hundred adolescent mothers and 29 married primiparous non-adolescent mothers were observed interacting with their six-month-old infants during a feeding episode and a play episode. All of the mothers had a high school education or less. During feeding, the adolescent mothers demonstrated less expressiveness, less positive attitude, less delight, less positive regard, fewer vocalizations, and a lower quality of vocalizations than non-adolescent mothers. During play, the adolescent mothers demonstrated less inventiveness, less patience, and less positive attitude than the non-adolescent mothers. These results extend and strengthen what is known about adolescent mothers patterns of interaction with their young infants.