K. Tim Wulfemeyer
University of Hawaii at Manoa
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Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly | 1983
K. Tim Wulfemeyer
The Federal Communications Commission requires television stations to survey audience members regularly to determine community needs, problems and interests. These ascertainment studies d o provide some insights, but they often cover broad areas of interest and relate more to public affairs programming than to news. The purpose of this study was to attempt to ascertain more detailed information concerning audience interests in and preferences for local television newscast content. Some research has been done concerning audience preferences for male or
Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media | 1982
K. Tim Wulfemeyer
Local television newscasts have been criticized for being too frivolous, but an analysis of San Diego stations indicates more newscast time is devoted to significant issues of the day than to anything else.
Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly | 1985
K. Tim Wulfemeyer
3 George S. Hage. Everette E. Dennis. Arnold H. lsmach and Stephen Hartgcn. Neu Straregies for Fuhlic Anair, Reporting (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Inc.. 1976). pp. 52-53: Paul N. Williams. Invemgariiv Reporring and Ediring (Englcwood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Inc.. 1978). pp. 63-64. Society of Professional Journalists SDX. ‘Code of Ethics;” American Society of Newspaper Editors. ‘Statement of Principles.” Associated Press Managing Editors. ‘Association Codcof Ethics:” National Association of Broadcasters, ‘Radio Code.“ ’ John Brady. The Craft of Interviewing (Cincinnati: Writer’s Digest. 1976). pp. 108-121; Michael Ryanand James W. Tankard. Jr.. B a ~ i c .Sen* Reporring (Palo Alto: Mayfield Publishing Company. 1977). pp. 192-197; Herbert Strentz. New., Reporters and.Vew Sources (Ames: Iowa State University Press. 1978).p. 6 9 Melvin Mencher..Neus Reporring and Writing (Dubuque: Wm. C. Brown Company Publishers, 1977). pp. 34-47; William L. Rivers and Wilbur Schramm. Responsihility in MOM Communicarion (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1969). pp. 172-173: John L. Hulteng, Plaring Ir Slraight (Chester: Amcrican Society of Newspaper Editors. 1981). pp. 65-67; John L. Hulteng. The Messenger’s Motives (Englewood Cliffs: PrcnticeHall, Inc.. 1976),pp. 85-10% John L. Hultcng. The N e w Media: What Makes Them lick? (Englewood Cliffs, Inc.. 1979) pp. 56-57; Bruce M. Swain. Reporters’ Ethics (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1978). pp. 48-49: H. Eugene Goodwin. Groping for Ethics in Journabm ( Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1983). pp. 118-132. “necessary evil.”) The reason for this is that while granting confidentiality to a source can have a number of desirable results, it can have significant undesirable results as well. On the positive side, the practice can help obtain information that would be otherwise unavailable. It can help “cultivate” sources and “build a trust” that encourages sources to talk more freely and candidly.2 The practice can speed up the process of acquiring information, lead to tips and “inside” information and give comfort, confidence and protection to a fearful source and his colleagues.3 Despite the many positive aspects connected with granting confidentiality, most major codes of ethics in journalism caution against the overuse of anonymous attribution, but recognize that there are times when granting anonymity to a source is the only way to obtain needed information.4 Most college textbooks on reporting and ethics in journalism recommend that sources be identified as completely as possible, because naming sources helps build credibility.5 The authors report that granting confidentiality too freely and too often can result in the conveying of fabricated, distorted or self-serving information rather than news and can lead to reduced public confidence in the press. When Washington Post reporter Janet
Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly | 1984
K. Tim Wulfemeyer
Conclusion and Discussion While Reagan was a candidate and President-elect, coverage of his China policy in the three newspapers seemed to focus on U.S.-Taiwan relations. This is understandable. During the presidential campaign, Reagan kept advocating that U.S.-Taiwan relations be upgraded from the “unofficial” to an “official” level. His remarks invited severe criticism from China and some political observers. Reagan finally had to clarify his China policy and drop the idea of reestablishing official ties with Taiwan. After Reagan became President, U.S.China relations were given more attention in the three newspapers’ coverage of his China policy. This is also explicable. For one thing, after he became President, Reagan sent messages to China, indicating that there would be no change in U.S.-China policy. On many occasions, he reassured the Chinese leaders of continued U.S. commitment to the Shangai Communique. The shift of attention in the three papers’ coverage of Reagan’s China policy might be, among other things, a result of Reagan’s acceptance of the reality that the United States has formal relations with China and maintains only unofficial ties with Taiwan. There is also evidence that coverage of Reagan’s China policy was more negative during the campaign. Both the news and opinion articles showed this tendency. It seems that Reagan’s China policy tended to be considered harmful to U.S. national interests or criticized more often before his Inauguration. In his first nine-month presidency, Reagan’s China policy recieved more positive treatment in the three newspapers. Such difference can be partly explained by the fact that, after taking office, Reagan had already dropped the idea of upgrading US-Taiwan relations and turned his attention to Sino-American relations. For example, in June 1981, he sent Secretary of State Alexander Haig to China to discuss a possible arms sale to the Peking regime. Whether or not coverage of the three newspapers has helped shape Reagan’s China policy cannot be answered by the present study. If, as suggested by Cohen,lo Q U A R T E R L Y
Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly | 1982
K. Tim Wulfemeyer
b Determining who or what is the“best” in anything often involves much subjective evaluation. Determining what the best television newscast is in any local market is a good example of this. Ratings can be used as some sort of “quantitative” measure; however, it could be argued that ratings are more of a popularity contest rather than a real measure of quality. For example, could one say ABC‘s “Three’s Company” or CBS’s “The Dukes of Hazzard” are the “best” programs on network television because they often top national weekly ratings? Professional societies conduct competitions to determine what station in a given market or region presents the best newscast. The criteria used to decide which newscast is best are often vague, if not primarily devoted to technical considerations,’ and, as a concession to expediency, determinations are usually based on the quality of just one, or a limited number of newscasts. In addition, there seems to be little concensus among professional judges. In 1978-79, each of the three networkaffiliated stations in San Diego was selected as having the best newscast, or, as
Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media | 1985
K. Tim Wulfemeyer; Lori L. McFadden
This study found that college students who listened to a 3½‐minute, simulated radio newscast that had no actualities scored significantly higher on a multiple‐choice test of recall and rated the newscast more interesting than did students who listened to a newscast that had actualities.
Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media | 2005
James A. Rada; K. Tim Wulfemeyer
Journal of Mass Media Ethics | 1985
K. Tim Wulfemeyer
Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly | 1986
K. Tim Wulfemeyer; Lori L. McFadden
Archive | 1988
K. Tim Wulfemeyer; Lori L. McFadden