Karam Dana

Anti-Western feelings in the Arab world and the role of exposure to the West: rethinking connections through public opinion

ABSTRACT Anti-Western feelings in the Arab world and the role of exposure to the West: rethinking connections through public opinion. Territory, Politics, Governance. Anti-Western feelings in the Arab Middle East are reported as if they are a defining characteristic of the region, even without proper contextualization. This paper empirically explores what causes such sentiments to emerge and deepen in some contexts. This study is focused on the views of Palestinians (2013 public opinion survey, N = 832) towards Western states and societies. Informed by empirical data, it provides a theoretical framework explaining how anti-Western feelings are conceived, and how they evolve under different conditions. It also examines the role of travel, and family connections, in addition to exposure to the West through the Internet in acquiring sentiments towards and about the West.

The West Bank Apartheid/Separation Wall: Space, Punishment and the Disruption of Social Continuity

ABSTRACT Through the use of survey data from the West Bank, this paper explores the effects of the Apartheid/Separation Wall in the occupied territory of the West Bank on Palestinian society. How has the Wall separated a population from their loved ones, their orchards and crops, homes, and overall livelihood? How have these relationships transformed? Place and space have special meanings in Palestinian experience and consciousness, and yet Palestinians remain vulnerable to punishment through control of access to spaces and places. The inability to reach one’s home or land has serious ramifications on the psyche of individuals and communities. Not only do physical barriers hinder social interactions, but they also impact society in numerous ways. The effects on Palestinian society are largely invisible and have long-term and far-reaching consequences. These consequences run deeper than the physical barriers that have created them. Social continuity has repeatedly been disrupted due to the geopolitical transformation of land control and roads network, which favours one group (Israeli Jews) over another (Palestinian Arabs—Christian and Muslim). The policies of separation, through the wall, checkpoints, and the permit regime, have actually separated Palestinians from other Palestinians, and not Palestinians from Israelis.

The American Muslim voter: Community belonging and political participation

The past few election cycles have brought increased attention on voting rates among racial and ethnic minorities in the United States, focusing on African Americans, Asian Americans and Latinos. Building on theories of in-group identity, we assess whether or not American Muslims are similarly mobilized to vote consonant with other ethnic minorities in the U.S. whereby in-group attachment and group-level resources encourage participation. Using a national sample of American Muslims, we find that those who live around more co-ethnics and those who actively engage their religious identity are more likely to report they voted, and more likely to vote Democratic. This research offers the first evidence that American Muslims may follow similar patterns of in-group identity mobilization to other racial and ethnic groups in the United States.

Muslims in Great Britain: the impact of mosque attendance on political behaviour and civic engagement

ABSTRACT Is mosque attendance associated with withdrawal from civic and political life and the endorsement of politically motivated violence (PMV)? We draw from a large multi-ethnic survey in the U.K. to answer this research question. Our analysis is unique in that we compare Muslims to Christians to show that mosques, just like churches, can enhance the civic and political participation of their adherents. Drawing from scholarship on religious institutions, social capital, and social identity, we claim and empirically show that mosque attendance is associated with increased electoral and non-electoral political participation, higher levels of civic engagement, and the rejection of PMV. Our findings not only advance the current scholarly understanding of the attitudes and behaviours of Muslims in the West, but also have important policy implications in that they help dispel stereotypical and sensationalist accounts of Mosques and their adherents in the post-Brexit U.K.

Confronting injustice beyond borders: Palestinian identity and nonviolent resistance

ABSTRACT “Where is the Palestinian Gandhi?” is a question often asked in relation to the nature of Palestinian resistance. The question reflects a lack of accurate knowledge about Palestinian society and history, as well as a misrepresentation of the forms in which Palestinian resistance has taken place over the past few decades. Throughout their struggle for independence, Palestinians have predominantly adopted nonviolent forms of resistance. Focusing on the determinants of Palestinian support for nonviolent resistance against Israeli occupation two decades after the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993, this paper lays out the historical context of nonviolence in the Palestinian political landscape. Through the use of survey data this study provides an alternative theoretical conceptualization of Palestinian popular resistance, and community resilience. The findings of this empirical study highlight the impact of self-reported identities on support for nonviolent tactics in resisting Israeli occupation.

Invisible disasters: the effects of Israeli occupation on Palestinian gender roles

Womens participation in the First Intifada allowed for increased gender equality in Palestine. However, the weakness of the Palestinian Authority, established by the Oslo Accords, created space for non-state actors (dominated by the Islamist political organization Hamas) to emerge and gain popularity. Likewise, during the post-Oslo period conservative positions on gender resurged. This paper re-examines the structural factors that facilitated increased gender inequality and argues that the nature of the occupation itself serves as the greatest force for gender inequality in Palestine. To develop and test our theory, we draw on original, large-n survey data and in-depth interviews.