Karl E. Taeuber

MEASURES OF SEGREGATION

We thank Robert J. Antonio, Hal Winsborough, Alma F. Taeuber, Alan Sica, Gordon Caldwell, and several anonymous referees for helpful comments and David Dickens, Mark Lederer, and Frank Monfort for programming assistance. The research was supported by grants from the Kansas University General Research Fund (3385-XO-0038 and 3062-XO-0038), the National Science Foundation (SES 8025543), the Center for Studies of Metropolitan Problems, NIMH (5R01 -MH-27880), and the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, DHEW (HEW-1 00-76-0196). Institutional support was pro-

Indexes of Racial Residential Segregation for 109 Cities in the United States, 1940 to 1970

Abstract An index of racial residential segregation for a city may be calculated from census data reporting the number of white and nonwhite households resident in each city block. Such an index summarizes the dissimilarity in residential location of the two groups. Segregation indexes for 109 cities for the years 1940, 1950, and 1960 were published in Taeuber and Taeuber Negroes in Cities (1965). Segregation indexes for 109 cities for 1970, together with the previously published indexes for the three earlier census dates, are presented in Table 1. The trend data from 1940 through 1970 refer to residential segregation of whites and nonwhites. For 1970 only, segregation indexes are also presented comparing whites and Negroes. The trend data reveal a distinctive pattern of change during each of the three decades. From 1960 to 1970, declines in segregation prevailed among cities in each region of the country. The indexes for 1970 were calculated from Public Use Summary Tapes issued by the Bureau of the Censu...

The Negro as an Immigrant Group: Recent Trends in Racial and Ethnic Segregation in Chicago

The processes of social and economic advancement and residential dispersion of Negroes cannot usefully be regarded as following the earlier processes of assimilation of ethnic groups. Negro residential segregation has remained high, despite their social and economic progress. Puerto Ricans and Mexicans, the most recent in-migrants, are economically less well off than Negroes, but their residential segregation is already less. A simple model demonstrates that only a small proportion of Negro residential segregation can be attributed to their low economic status.

Racial Segregation Among Public and Private Schools

Coleman, Hoffer and Kilgore (1982) analyze racial enrollment in public and private high schools and conclude that private schooling does not affect the overall racial segregation in American schools. Four serious flaws in their argument render their analysis meaningless and their conclusion improper. (a) The segregation index they use in their empirical analysis is a function of the racial composition of the set of schools to which it is applied. Because public and private sectors differ in proportion black, their index exaggerates the difference between public and private sectors and misspecifies the key comparison in the final stage of their argument. (b) To permit evaulation of their argument, they assume that private school pupils are reallocated to public schools according to the existing racial composition of public schools. This assumption is implausible, and its use contributes tautologically to their conclusion. (c) Their claim that within-sector and between-sector components of segregation are counterbalancing is based on a very insensitive test of their argument, and the test itself is statistically incorrect-variance components are all positive. (d) Their treatment of the nations public schools as one school district and the nations private schools as another has no real-world applicability. Segregation should be examined within specific administrative and geographic settings. The only unflawed portion of their analysis is their confirmation of the fact that private schooling, nationwide, tends to separate white students from the racially more diverse public sector. The rest of their analysis and conclusions should be recognized as irrelevant to the policy debate they seek to influence.

Insurance Redlining, Agency Location, and the Process of Urban Disinvestment:

Insurance redlining exacerbates economic decline and impedes revitalization of urban neighborhoods throughout the United States. One significant barrier to the availability of insurance is the movement of sales representatives from inner-city to suburban locations. In examining the changing pattern of insurance agency locations within the Milwaukee metropolitan area, the authors find that racial composition of neighborhood is associated with agency location even after the effects of family income, condition of housing, and number of dwellings are controlled. Policy recommendations are offered to mitigate the practice and effects of insurance redlining and to stimulate reinvestment in urban communities.

White Migration and Socio-Economic Differences Between Cities and Suburbs

Large cities are apparently becoming increasingly differentiated from their suburban rings in socio-economic status. It has been speculated that this results from an influx of low-status migrants to cities and an outflow of high-status persons from cities to suburbs. Analysis of census data on migration patterns between 1955 and 1960 for 12 large metropolitan areas indicates a different and more complex pattern. Nearly all streams of migrants are of higher average socio-economic status than non-migrants. Large cities contribute to their suburbs and to other metropolitan areas more high-status migrants than they receive, whereas suburban rings receive more high-status migrants than they lose. This circulation of persons of higher levels of educational attainment and occupational status has the net effect of diminishing the socio-economic level of central city populations and augmenting the socio-economic level of suburban populations.

Duration-of-Residence Analysis of Internal Migration in the United States

collection and analysis of new types of data, as well as by further analysis of the existing types of data. Much effort can be profitably devoted to the development of new approaches to available data. (1, 2) Nevertheless, many of the questions we may pose about internal migration cannot be answered by analysis of the census data or the Current Population Survey annual residential mobility series. New types of migration data are needed, based on additional migration questions. This paper discusses the migration information provided by a question on duration of residence, and presents the first national migration data derived from this approach. Comparisons of current residence with residence at a fixed previous time, as in the migration questions in the 1940 and 1950 censuses and in the CPS, overlook multiple (including circular) migrations by individuals. From decennial censuses can be derived estimates only of net migration. Both approaches are thus directly concerned with population redistributions, and only inferentially with specific moves. Both approaches permit the delineation of some of those persons who have made at least one move, but do not differentiate the migration experiences of the great majority who have the same residence at one, five, or ten-year intervals. The duration-of-residence approach, on the other hand, provides direct information on a portion of the actual migration history of each individual. The duration of residence represents the length of time since the last move. Duration-of-residence data thus provide information on the latest segment of the residence history of each individual. 1 Paper read at the annual meeting of the Population Association of America,

The Changing Character of Negro Migration

Recently published data on migration during the 1955-60 period reveal that, contrary to the popular stereotype, Negro in-migrants to a number of large cities, despite the presence of a socioeconomically depressed group of non-metropolitan origin, were not of lower average socioeconomic status than the resident Negro population. Indeed, in educational attainment Negro in-migrants to northern cities were equal to or slightly higher than the resident white population. Comparisons with limited data for earlier periods suggest that, as the Negro population has changed from a disadvantaged rural population to a metropolitan one of increasing socioeconomic levels, its patterns of migration have changed to become very much like those of the white population.

Fertility among Urban Blacks

Descriptions of the demographic transition frequently mention that urbanization played a role in bringing about the switch from high fertility rates to low fertility rates. It is difficult to be certain how far along in the process of demographic transition is the black population of the United States, but it is clear that fertility rates have changed rapidly. Black women who were born around the middle of the last century completed their childbearing with an average of seven children.1 Women born during the first decade of this century-that is, women who attained childbearing ages during the Depressionaveraged about two and one-half children.2 This downward trend was reversed and the black women born during the 1930s will average about four children.3 For a decade now fertility rates among blacks have fallen and women born during the 1940s have gotten off to a slower start in forming their families than women born during the previous decade, suggesting a downward trend in family size.4 It is not possible, in one paper, to completely specify the consequences of urbanization upon fertility. This paper has two aims. First, trends in the fertility rates of blacks in urban and rural areas are described and, second, factors influencing fertility are examined to account for the observed changes.

Residence Histories and Exposure Residences for the United States Population

Abstract Residence histories were collected in a supplement to the Current Population Survey. By restricting query to places rather than individual dwellings, complete histories were obtainable for ninety per cent of the sample. The concept of “exposure residence” is suggested as one technique for summarizing residence histories. Exposure residence data for the United States adult population are presented, and are used to support the hypothesis of stage patterning of rural-urban migration.