Kathy Swan

In Search of Technological Pedagogical Content Knowledge: Teachers' Initial Foray into Podcasting in Economics

Abstract In this paper, we report on work with eight practicing ninth grade social studies teachers to determine how they chose to integrate podcasting to help their students build on their economic literacy, which includes building both economic concepts and skills. The study is rooted in an interpretivist research paradigm, using the Council for Economic Educations National Voluntary Content Standards in Economics (1997) and Mishra and Koehler’s (2006) theory of Technological Pedagogical Content Knowledge (TPACK) to frame data generation, analysis, and the reporting of results. We found that teachers demonstrated strong technological pedagogical knowledge (TPK) but a lack of technological content knowledge (TCK) in the design and implementation of the podcasting projects. We argue that the lack of teachers’ content-based rationale for podcasting is a function of the universal nature of some digital tools, such as podcasting, in contrast to more specialized tools, such as computer simulations.

Digital Campaigning: Using the Bill of Rights to Advance a Political Position

outed as the most expensive advertising campaigns in presidential history, final spending tallies for the 2004 presidential election came in at some

The College, Career, and Civic Life (C3) Framework for Social Studies State Standards: Guidance for Enhancing the Rigor of K-12 Civics, Economics, Geography, and History

650 million (OpenSecrets.org 2004). And this was just the total from the major political parties. Of particular interest was the impact of the so-called 527 committees, the political activist groups named after a section of the tax code that regulates them. Groups like the Swift Boat Veterans and POWs for Truth and MoveOn.org raised more than a half billion dollars during the 2003–2004 election cycle—double the amount spent during the previous year’s cycle (Center for Public Integrity). While always thought to be on the fringes of the political process, some say that these groups played a decisive role in the outcome of the 2004 election. In the final three weeks of the campaign, the 527s spent approximately

Testing a TPACK-Based Technology Integration Observation Instrument

40 million in last-minute commercials in key battleground states, with three quarters of the total spent on ads supporting the Bush presidency (CNN News 2004). Perhaps the most controversial advertisements were the ones were sponsored by the Swift Boat Veterans and POWs for Truth, an advocacy organization made up of former naval veterans of the Vietnam War and funded by opponents of Senator John Kerry’s bid for the presidency. This cluster of commercials questioned Kerry’s war record, specifically accusing him of lying to get his three Purple Hearts, Silver Star, and Bronze Star during his Vietnam service. These smear ads prompted an outcry from both left and right for the muckraking and caused Senator John McCain to cross party lines to try and end the slander. He remarked at a news conference in August 2004, “I think the ad is dishonest and dishonorable. As it is none of these individuals served on the boat [Kerry] commanded. Many of his crewmates have testified to his courage under fire. I think John Kerry served honorably in Vietnam” (Factcheck.org). MoveOn.org received similar criticism from conservatives, particularly centered on two commercials posted on the organization’s Web site comparing President Bush to Adolf Hitler (Memory Hole). While these two ads represented only two out of a total 1,500 advertisements submitted to the site and were ultimately removed as they were voted down by the groups’ membership, these indelible images, however short lived, were inflammatory to the democratic process and managed to make headlines (National Public Radio). Despite urging from both sides of the political arena, the ads continued and arguably amplified the chasm of an already bitterly divided nation.