Kristin Melum Eide

Subject requirement and predication

In this paper, we argue that the subject requirement or Extended Projection Principle (EPP) is naturally derived from predication, not in the standard syntax-based manner of Rothstein (1983), Chomsky (1986) or Heycock (1991), but in a full-blooded semantic manner within the selective mentalist Grammar Semantics of Bouchard (1995). We propose that the EPP is the effect of a basic proposition-forming operation of natural language, which is induced by a predication operator (Bowers 1993). On our analysis, insertion of an expletive in the subject position or raising to the subject position are therefore ultimately analysed as semantically motivated processes, triggered by the operation of proposition formation.

Norwegian (non-V2) declaratives, resumptive elements, and the Wackernagel position

Most Norwegian declaratives are subject-initial verb second (V2) clauses. This paper discusses declaratives that can be construed as non-V2, two constructions that have traditionally been analyzed as left dislocation phenomena: the (adjunctive) sa -construction and the Copy Left Dislocation (CLD) construction, where the ‘copy’ is a weak pronoun. Both constructions share an affinity to root clauses, have particular scope effects, and employ a prosodically light particle between the topicalized phrase and the finite verb in V2 ( sa and a weak pronoun, respectively). The paper attributes these properties to the fact that the relevant particles are topic markers of a particular kind; they mark A-topics. A-Topics signal a topic-shift in the conversation and are confined to clauses with illocutionary force (Bianchi & Frascarelli 2010). The aforementioned particles are much more frequent in spoken contexts than in written prose, and I propose that this is because they depend on prosody. They are obligatorily light, and they occur in the part of the clause that has traditionally been described as ‘the Wackernagel position’. Wackernagel (1892) proposed that certain prosodically light elements (clitics in particular) tend to occur in the second position in Indo-European languages. Although the resumptive elements of the sa -construction and especially of CLDs may not be fully-fledged clitics, like clitics, they appear in the second position of declaratives.

On verb second and the så-construction in two Mainland Scandinavian contact situations

Data from areas of long term language contact situations between a non-V2 language and a V2 language in Northern Norway reveal unstable use of V2. Furthermore, in a substantial portion of the data there is a notable presence of the particle sa . These facts are discussed in light of data on the sa -construction in Standard Norwegian and Finland Swedish, and the particle ni in Finnish. We suggest that some aspects of sa in the data may be explained as one trait of L1 transfer, where the acquirer recruits existing L2 elements and assigns to them new tasks in the grammar. The data reveal interesting variation patterns, which may be taken to support the “Underspecified CP” hypothesis put forth in recent language acquisition research.

Adjunction Sites for Negation in Norwegian: Modals and Negation

This paper investigates a surprising interpretational asymmetry in modal-negation sequences in Norwegian: When the negation word follows the subject, the sentence is ambiguous with respect to the relative scopes of the negation and the modal. When negation precedes the subject, however, the negation unambiguously takes scope over the modal. I argue that this asymmetry can be accounted for by assuming that verb raising has semantic implications; contrary to Chomsky (2001a). Modal-negation sequences in subordinate clauses do not display the same asymmetry, which supports the hypothesis that verb raising causes the observed patterns. Moreover, many speakers reject the sequence negation-subject in subordinate clauses. I propose that, for these speakers, main clauses employ two adjunction sites for negation, whereas subordinate clauses employ only one.