Kyle Beardsley

Mediation Style and Crisis Outcomes

This study focuses on the varying effectiveness of three mediation styles—facilitation, formulation, and manipulation—on international crises. Effectiveness is assessed in terms of three outcome variables: formal agreement, post-crisis tension reduction, and contribution to crisis abatement. The authors analyze new data on the mediation process from the International Crisis Behavior project (1918-2001). Manipulation has the strongest effect on the likelihood of both reaching a formal agreement and contributing to crisis abatement. Facilitation has the greatest influence on increasing the prospects for lasting tension reduction. The authors explore how the different styles affect the strategic bargaining environment to explain these differences in impact. The findings suggest that mediators should use a balance of styles if they are to maximize their overall effectiveness.

Distance traveled to outpatient drug treatment and client retention

This study examined the association between approximate distance traveled to treatment, and treatment completion and length of stay, for 1,735 clients attending outpatient treatment in an urban area. Clients who traveled less than 1 mile were 50% more likely to complete treatment than clients who traveled more than 1 mile, after holding constant demographic variables and type of drug problem. Similarly, clients who traveled more than 4 miles were significantly more likely to have a shorter length of stay than clients who traveled less than 1 mile. These findings have important implications for the geographic placement of new treatment facilities, as well as the provision of transportation services to maximize treatment retention.

Peacekeeping and the Contagion of Armed Conflict

Existing scholarship has characterized the severity of and mechanisms behind the problem of conflict contagion but not how to address it. Although studies of peacekeeping have demonstrated that it can prevent conflict recurrence, we know little about whether international actors can also help prevent conflict from spreading. Using event history analysis that incorporates information from neighboring observations, the empirical findings indicate that the expected risk of armed conflict increases by over 70% when peacekeepers are not deployed to a recent neighboring conflict but does not significantly rise when neighboring peacekeepers are deployed. One of the key means by which peacekeeping helps contain conflict is through addressing problems related to transnational movement of and support for insurgencies, thereby specifically preventing intrastate conflict from increasing the propensity for new intrastate conflict nearby. Moreover, both lighter and more substantial peacekeeping deployments can prevent ...

Rebel Groups as Predatory Organizations: The Political Effects of the 2004 Tsunami in Indonesia and Sri Lanka

In this article we propose a new typology for insurgent groups to explain why in such remarkably similar conflicts—Sri Lanka and Aceh—the impact of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami was so different. We argue that two principal factors shape all rebel groups by defining their incentive structures: the efficiency of the return on investment of the primary source(s) of support and the groups territorial objectives. The former factor is especially strong in explaining the different choices made by the LTTE and GAM. In Sri Lanka, the availability of lucrative resources outside the country has made the LTTE leadership inimical to compromise, threatened by relief aid, and less reliant on the local population. Lacking access to such high-return funding sources, GAM on the other hand was more closely linked to the needs of the local population and found greater value in both outside aid and a comprehensive settlement.

Pain, pressure and political cover: Explaining mediation incidence

This article explores the effect of domestic and international politics on the choice of mediation as a conflict management strategy in international crises. Existing work has yet to fully explore how domestic and international audiences shape the combatants’ preferences for mediation. With regard to domestic pressures, combatants often desire mediation as political cover for unpalatable concessions. That is, intermediaries might obscure responsibility for disappointing outcomes or signal the prudence of compromise. In terms of international audiences, affected third parties eager to shape the resolution outcome might lobby to serve as a mediator. Since both domestic and international audiences are affected by the crisis severity, the article also explores how the pain of fighting conditions the effect of international and domestic political pressures. Empirical analysis of international crises since World War I confirms that potential domestic audience costs for seeking peace and the propensity for concessions positively affect the probability of mediation. Less clear is the role of third-party incentives; the results indicate that a higher potential for neighboring-state intervention actually decreases the likelihood of mediation. Consistent with previous studies, conflict costs increase mediation incidence, and the findings also indicate that at high costs of conflict, states appear in less need of political cover for making concessions.

Nosy Neighbors: Third-Party Actors in Central American Conflicts.

Scholars argue that third parties make rational calculations and intervene to influence interstate dispute outcomes in favor of their own objectives. Third parties affect not only conflict outcomes but also escalation and duration. Theories of third-party involvement are applied to understand the dynamics of intrastate war. An analysis of event data for three Central American conflicts (El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua) from 1984 to 2001 is used to examine transnational actors’ influence on the dynamics of civil war. Findings show that transnational third parties often alter levels of cooperation among domestic adversaries, and that consistency affects the strength and direction of third-party influence.

Dopaminergic behaviors and signal transduction mediated through adenylate cyclase and phospholipase C pathways

We determined the relative effects of chemical receptor inactivation on dopaminergic signaling through adenylate cyclase and phospholipase C pathways and evaluated the behavioral implications of such receptor manipulations. Groups of rats were given intraperitoneal injections of 10 mg/kg N-ethoxycarbonyl-2-ethoxy-1,2-dihydroquinoline (EEDQ), a reagent that differentially inactivates neurotransmitter receptors. Control and treated animals were used to assess dopaminergic-mediated behaviors or brain tissues were prepared from the animals and used to assay D1-like receptor binding and agonist-stimulated second messenger formation. EEDQ decreased by 75% the number of D1-like binding sites and completely abolished dopamine-stimulated cyclic AMP formation in striatal membranes. Conversely, dopamine-stimulated phosphoinositide hydrolysis was insensitive to inactivation by EEDQ as examined over different durations of EEDQ treatment, in different brain regions, or with different concentrations of the D1-like receptor agonist SKF38393. EEDQ-pretreated animals lost their stereotypic response to apomorphine but showed increased vacuous jaw movements in response to apomorphine or SKF38393. Basal catalepsy was increased and SCH23390 was unable to further enhance catalepsy beyond the basal levels in the lesioned animals. In naive animals, SCH23390 catalepsy was reversed by apomorphine, and apomorphine stereotypy was reversed by SCH23390. Taken together, the present results imply that the dopamine-sensitive phospholipase C system mediates a subset of dopaminergic behaviors, notably vacuous jaw movements, in contrast to stereotypy and catalepsy which appear to be respectively mediated through stimulation and inhibition of the adenylate cyclase-coupled dopaminergic system.

Female Peacekeepers and Gender Balancing: Token Gestures or Informed Policymaking?

Since the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 (2000), which is referenced in most of the mandates for peacekeeping authorizations and renewals as of its adoption, UN peacekeeping forces have begun a process of gender balancing. While we have seen an increase in the numbers of female peacekeepers during the decade 2000–2010 and variation in the distribution patterns of female military personnel, we do not know if female military peacekeepers are deploying to areas that are safest or to areas with the greatest need for gender-balanced international involvement. Because the decision-making authority in the allocation of peacekeeping forces rests with the troop-contributing countries, which might not have bought into the gender balancing and mainstreaming initiatives mandated by the UN Security Council, we propose and find evidence that female military personnel tend to deploy to areas where there is least risk. They tend not to deploy where they may be most needed—where sexual violence and gender equity has been a major problem—and we find only a modest effect of having specific language in the mandates related to gender issues.

Nuclear Weapons as Shields

What security benefits do nuclear weapons provide to their possessors? After accounting for two potential selection effects, the empirical evidence from all international crises from 1945 to 2000 indicates that opponents of nuclear-weapon states demonstrate restraint in turning to violent aggression. Nuclear weapons, however, have little effect on overall crisis occurrence.The authors also explore the behavioral effects of nuclear-weapons programs and find that program states have a higher proclivity for crisis occurrence.

Explaining sexual exploitation and abuse in peacekeeping missions

Sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) is an endemic problem in UN peacekeeping missions. It is not only a gross human rights violation, but also threatens to challenge the legitimacy of the peacekeeping mission and undermines the promotion of gender equality in host countries. We examine if the composition of peacekeeping forces along two dimensions – the proportion of women and the records of gender (in)equality in the contributing countries – helps explain variation in SEA allegations. Analysis of mission-level information from 2009 to 2013 indicates that including higher proportions of both female peacekeepers and personnel from countries with better records of gender equality is associated with lower levels of SEA allegations reported against military contingents. We conclude that substantial reductions in SEA perpetrated by peacekeepers requires cultivation of a value for gender equality among all peacekeepers – improving the representation of women may help but still stops short of addressing the root of the problem.