Kyle Johnson

Double Objects Again

In this article, we explore the interaction of the verb again with double object constructions and the corresponding NP+PP constructions. The restitutive reading that again gives rise to in combination with these predicates supports an analysis of double object constructions according to which they contain a small clause with a head predicate HAVE, and an analysis of the corresponding NP+PP constructions that is not transformationally related and varies according to the verb contained in the structures

Gapping Is Not (VP-) Ellipsis

Pseudogapping is no misnomer. Despite their many tempting similarities, gapping and pseudogapping are distinct constructions. Pseudogapping is a special instance of VP-ellipsis, while gapping, I argue, is a special instance of across-the-board movement. Squeezing gapping into across-the-board movement has its own discomforts, however, which I suggest can be remedied by retailoring our syntax to include string-based output constraints. I sketch one such alteration that involves apparent Left Branch Condition violations.

Restoring Exotic Coordinations to Normalcy

I analyze two instances in German where coordinations seem to violate Rosss (1967) Coordinate Structure Constraint. I follow Schwarz 1998 and argue that the two constructions are underlyingly the same, one deriving from the other through gapping. Using the thesis that the verb-final word order in German involves a short leftward movement of the finite verb or verb phrase, I provide a method of avoiding the Coordinate Structure Constraint violation that would otherwise be expected.

Argument Contained Ellipsis

This paper investigates an unusual identity constraint on English verb phrase ellipsis which imposes the following requirement: when an elliptical relation holds between two verb phrases A and B such that A is contained in an argument b of B, then the corresponding argument a of A must be identical to b. The paper argues that this is due to two factors: 1) an identity constraint on ellipsis in general that requires indices in related VPs to be the same, and 2) constraints on the distribution of indices that rule out referentially circular constructions.

Recoverability of deletion

is paper provides an analysis of Andrews amalgams that builds on work by Marlies Kluck and Maxamiliano Guimaräes. It argues that Andrews amalgams involve bringing two independent sentences together by sharing a clause, where “sharing” ismodeled by giving a phrase twomothers in a phrasemarker. Andrews amalgams are licensed by Sluicing: they occur only when the shared clause can be sluiced. is, it is argued, shows us that the licensing conditions on ellipsis do not necessarily invoke the antecedence conditions usually attendant with ellipsis.

Clausal Edges and Their Effects on Scope

While (1a) allows for a reading in which a linguist is interpreted as part of the clausal complement to seem, (1b) strongly favors the reading in which a linguist has root wide scope. That is, whereas both (1a) and (1b) can be read as statements that ascribe to some linguist or other the appearance of unhappiness, only (1a) can also be understood as a statement about the appearance of unhappy linguists. If we hold constant the idea that the complement of seem is a clause in both these cases, and that a linguist receives its 2-role from within this clause, then the contrast can be described in terms of conditions on reconstructing a linguist into that clause.

A review of The Antisymmetry of Syntax

Abstract Kaynes book is divided into ten chapters, the first five of which house his influential suggestion that the linear order of formatives in a syntactic representation is dependent on their hierarchical arrangement. The remaining chapters take up construction types which would seem to undermine the conclusions of the initial chapters and, in each case, sketch an analysis that leaves these conclusions unmarred. Characteristic of Kaynes work, these latter chapters combine richness of empirical detail with breadth of scope and make rewarding reading on their own. Like the first five chapters, they are also full of invigorating ideas, both large and small. Section two of this review canvasses the by now familiar proposals of Antisymmetrys first half. A complete review of the remaining chapters is not possible, for while rich detail and broad scope are a readers dream, they are a reviewers nightmare. Instead, I will discuss in section three those suggestions in chapters eight and nine of Antisymmetry where an antisymmetric structure for English nominals is alleged.