Laura R. Olson

The Religion Gap

As the 2004 presidential election approached, journalists discovered an apparently new political phenomenon: the “religion gap,” or the tendency of the most religious Americans to espouse conservative political beliefs and prefer Republican candidates. As a typical news story put it, “Want to know how Americans will vote next Election Day? Watch what they do the weekend before. If they attend religious services regularly, they probably will vote Republican by a 2-1 margin. If they never go, they likely will vote Democratic by a 2-1 margin” (Thomma 2003 ). The religion gap was illustrated frequently and clearly by public opinion polls. A Pew Research Center (2003) study, for example, found the American public sharply divided between the Republicans and Democrats on the eve of the 2004 campaign, with frequency of worship attendance emerging as a powerful predictor of party preference. In fact, most evidence of the religion gap was linked to differences in worship attendance.

Belonging, Behaving, and Believing: Assessing the Role of Religion on Presidential Approval

We operationalize three dimensions of religion—religious affiliation, religious commitment, and religious belief—to offer a detailed analysis of how religion affects presidential approval ratings. Using data from the 1992, 1996, 2000, and 2004 American National Election Studies, we demonstrate that operationalizing religion as a rudimentary Protestant—Catholic affiliation dichotomy masks its influence on presidential approval. We find that religious affiliation, even when measured more precisely than with a Protestant—Catholic dichotomy, contributes less to models of presidential approval than do measures of religious commitment and (especially) orthodoxy of religious belief.

Talking about Homosexuality: The Views of Mainline Protestant Clergy

Homosexuality is one of the most divisive issues within mainline Protestantism today. In this article we portray the many sides of mainline Protestantism’s debates about homosexuality through the lens of statements clergy made about the issue in early 2000. In interviews with 62 mainline Protestant clergy across the United States, 40 volunteered their views on homosexuality without being prompted. We describe the frames through which clergy understand and articulate issues related to homosexuality in the midst of contentious denominational debate about the subject. The majority of clergy who discussed homosexuality focused on the issue in their churches instead of in society at large, and in their denominations rather than in their own congregations. Moreover, virtually none of the clergy interviewed took hard and fast stands on the issue of homosexuality. Most approach the issue in a pragmatic, rather than prophetic, way. Our interviews also show that pastors who choose to speak on homosexuality tend to frame the issue in terms of the diffuse notion of “homosexuality,” rather than talking about gay men and lesbians as people.

Substantive Religious Representation in the U.S. Senate Voting Alignment with the Family Research Council

Studies of representation are widespread in the congressional literature, with recent work focusing on both descriptive and substantive representation of various minority groups. The authors focus on religious representation in Congress, examining the extent to which senators’ own religious affiliation and the relative size of their religious constituencies affect substantive representation of Religious Right interests. The authors find that Christian senators (evangelical Protestants, conservative Catholics, and Mormons alike) provide better representation of the Religious Right, as do senators from states with larger Christian constituencies. The findings demonstrate that substantive representation is the product of characteristics of both the representatives and the represented.

Changing Issue Agendas of Women Clergy

Using data from separate studies conducted in 1988-89 and 1998, we explore changes in the issue agendas of women clergy. Rosenstone and Hansen (1993) argue persuasively that mobilization often occurs due to a commitment to a particular political issue. Our data allow us to test three separate hypotheses about the evolution of women clergys issue agendas over the course of a decade that saw an unprecedented number of women enter the ministry. Shifts in the issue agendas of women clergy suggest a model of issue agenda evolution including four possible explanations for change: public agenda shifts, changes resulting from the growing number of women clergy, or ideological stability.

Sources of clergy support for denominational lobbying in Washington

Do clergy approve of official lobbying by their denominations? Using a data set of nearly 2,300 Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA) and Episcopal Church clergy surveyed in 1998, we investigate how clergy evaluate the work of their official denominational Washington lobbying offices. In particular, we assess the effects of four factors-political ideology, social theology, political engagement, and internal denominational politics-on clergys evaluations of these Washington offices. We find that clergy evaluations of their Washington office are driven by (I) their own politics, (2) whether they feel it is appropriate for their denomination to pursue political ends. and (3) their support for the general direction of the denomination-not directly connected to the lobby.

Diffusion of Environmental Concerns in Congregations across U.S. States

Most American congregations belong to denominations. These national networks often promote relevant political issues that constituent congregations may choose to address. Therefore, religious organizations might play a significant role in promoting the process of policy diffusion in the U.S. states. At the same time, congregations are tradition-maintaining institutions that focus first on their own immediate concerns, promoting the maintenance of distinctive regional political contexts and reinforcing the variation of federalism. In this article, we assess the role that religious organizations play in American federal democracy, promoting diffusion or the status quo, with respect to one crucial issue on which religious groups have been particularly vocal: the environment and global warming. We employ two datasets (a large-N national survey and two in-depth survey case studies of clergy in Ohio and South Carolina) and find evidence that religious organizations are vast communication networks that can promote policy diffusion, but typically do not.

The Lotto and the Lord: Religious Influences on the Adoption of a Lottery in South Carolina

On November 7, 2000, despite the ardent pleas of clergy from across the spectrum of religious traditions, South Carolina voters repealed a constitutional amendment to pave the way for a state lottery. In a state known for intense evangelical religiosity, this outcome raises several important questions about the political influence of religion and religious leaders. In this article we offer a history of the religious aspects of the lottery debate in South Carolina and an empirical look at the relationships between religious factors and support for the lottery among South Carolina voters. Specifically, we explore the extent to which involvement in evangelical Protestantism, political salience of religion, and clergy cues affected public support for a state lottery Data for the empirical analysis are drawn from an October 3, 2000 poll of 450 South Carolinians who had voted in two previous elections.

Understanding the Mobilization of Professionals

This article develops a Professional Mobilization Framework to guide research and discussion of the mobilization of nonprofit professionals in issue politics. We use the framework, together with literature on women clergy, to develop expectations about the issue interests and political mobilization of women clergy. We use qualitative interview data and aggregate survey data from 54 women clergy to test the expectations developed in the framework. The results of the study show that the women’s issue agendas focus on racism and intolerance, poverty, and gay rights, while their action agendas stress poverty, community organizing, and reproductive rights. Organizational mobilization and ease of entry appear to push women clergy into far more poverty and community-organizing activities than would be expected based on their interest in these issues alone. Meanwhile, organizational demobilization appears to result in less activity than interest on issues such as gay rights, women’s rights, and racism.

The Politics of Gay Rights and the Gender Gap: A Perspective on the Clergy

In this article, we explore the nexus of gender, religious leadership, and attitudes toward homosexuality and gay rights. Homosexuality has become a frontline issue in American politics, as illustrated most recently by gay marriage battles in the courts and state legislatures as well as state referenda campaigns designed to define marriage legally as the union of a man and a woman. Using survey data from a national random sample of 3,208 clergy who serve in six mainline Protestant denominations, we analyze the extent to which gender operates as a significant predictor of public speech on gay rights issues. Ordinal logistic regression allows us to demonstrate that women clergy are substantially more likely than their male counterparts to speak publicly on gay rights, as well as to model more generally the factors that compel clergy to take action to address this controversial issue in public.