Laurie A. Stowe

Parsing WH-constructions: Evidence for on-line gap location

Abstract Two experiments investigate how people assign a grammatical meaning to WH-phrases in embedded questions. The first experiment replicates Crain and Fodors (1985) finding that object NPs take longer to read in a WH-question than in a corresponding declarative sentence, suggesting that people expect not to find an object, presumably because they have associated the object semantic role with the WH-phrase. Experiment 1 also shows that there is no such difficulty at the subject NP, suggesting that the subject semantic role is not associated with the WH-phrase in the same way as the object role. Experiment 2 investigated whether people assign a semantic role to the WH-phrase which cannot be grammatically acceptable; the evidence suggests that people are not prone to make such mistakes.

An ERP study on L2 syntax processing: When do learners fail?

Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) can reveal online processing differences between native speakers and second language (L2) learners during language comprehension. Using the P600 as a measure of native-likeness, we investigated processing of grammatical gender agreement in highly proficient immersed Romance L2 learners of Dutch. We demonstrate that these late learners consistently fail to show native-like sensitivity to gender violations. This appears to be due to a combination of differences from the gender marking in their L1 and the relatively opaque Dutch gender system. We find that L2 use predicts the effect magnitude of non-finite verb violations, a relatively regular and transparent construction, but not that of gender agreement violations. There were no effects of age of acquisition, length of residence, proficiency or offline gender knowledge. Additionally, a within-subject comparison of stimulus modalities (written vs. auditory) shows that immersed learners may show some of the effects only in the auditory modality; in non-finite verb violations, an early native-like N400 was only present for auditory stimuli. However, modality failed to influence the response to gender. Taken together, the results confirm the persistent problems of Romance learners of Dutch with online gender processing and show that they cannot be overcome by reducing task demands related to the modality of stimulus presentation.

Localizing components of a complex task: sentence processing and working memory

THREE areas of the left hemisphere play different roles in sentence comprehension. An area of posterior middle and superior temporal gyrus shows activation correlated with the structural complexity of a sentence, suggesting that this area supports processing of sentence structure. The lateral anterior temporal gyrus is more activated bilaterally by all sentence conditions than by word lists; thus the function of the area probably does not directly support processing of structure but rather processing of words specific to a sentence context. Left inferior frontal cortex also shows activation related to sentence complexity but is also more activated in word list processing than in simple sentences; this region may thus support a form of verbal working memory which maintains sentence structural information as well as lexical items.

Transfer effects in learning a second language grammatical gender system

In this article second language (L2) knowledge of Dutch grammatical gender is investigated. Adult speakers of German, English and a Romance language (French, Italian or Spanish) were investigated to explore the role of transfer in learning the Dutch grammatical gender system. In the first language (L1) systems, German is the most similar to Dutch coming from a historically similar system. The Romance languages have grammatical gender; however, the system is not congruent to the Dutch system. English does not have grammatical gender (although semantic gender is marked in the pronoun system). Experiment 1, a simple gender assignment task, showed that all L2 participants tested could assign the correct gender to Dutch nouns (all L2 groups performing on average above 80%), although having gender in the L1 did correlate with higher accuracy, particularly when the gender systems were very similar. Effects of noun familiarity and a default gender strategy were found for all participants. In Experiment 2 agreement between the noun and the relative pronoun was investigated. In this task a distinct performance hierarchy was found with the German group performing the best (though significantly worse than native speakers), the Romance group performing well above chance (though not as well as the German group), and the English group performing at chance. These results show that L2 acquisition of grammatical gender is affected more by the morphological similarity of gender marking in the L1 and L2 than by the presence of abstract syntactic gender features in the L1.

Second language processing : when are first and second languages processed similarly?

In this article we investigate the effects of first language (L1) on second language (L2) neural processing for two grammatical constructions (verbal domain dependency and grammatical gender), focusing on the event-related potential P600 effect, which has been found in both L1 and L2 processing. Native Dutch speakers showed a P600 effect for both constructions tested. However, in L2 Dutch (with German or a Romance language as L1) a P600 effect only occurred if L1 and L2 were similar. German speakers show a P600 effect to both constructions. Romance speakers only show a P600 effect within the verbal domain. We interpret these findings as showing that with similar rule-governed processing routines in L1 and L2 (verbal domain processing for both German and Romance speakers), similar neural processing is possible in L1 and L2. However, lexically-driven constructions that are not the same in L1 and L2 (grammatical gender for Romance speakers) do not result in similar neural processing in L1 and L2 as measured by the P600 effect.

Lexical Expectations in Parsing Complement-Verb Sentences

Using the single-word self-paced reading task, three experiments investigated parsing of temporarily ambiguous sentences containing complement verbs. The verbs differed in the likelihood with which they are typically followed by a direct object (NP-bias verbs) or a clausal complement (clausal-bias verbs). When the potential direct object was short, readers were “garden-pathed” after NP-bias verbs, but not after clausal-bias verbs. The pragmatic plausibility of the potential direct object also only influenced responses in sentences containing NP-bias verbs. The results suggest that lexical expectations may determine the initial structural assignment made by the reader in these sentences. It was argued that models of parsing should incorporate a role for lexical expectations at an early stage of syntactic decision-making.

Sentence comprehension and word repetition: A positron emission tomography investigation

Using positron emission tomography, visual presentation of sentences was shown to cause increased regional cerebral blood flow relative to word lists in the left lateral anterior superior and middle temporal gyri, attributable to cognitive processes that occur during sentence comprehension in addition to those carried out during word comprehension. Additional comparisons showed that repeating words (in a different context, when subjects did not attempt to learn the initial lists) led to significant patterns of both increased blood flow (left putamen and right caudate) and decreased blood flow (left posterior temporal lobe). Increases are argued to reflect retrieval of memory traces, whereas decreases reflect diminished necessity for processing of input. A decrease in the left inferior parietal lobe was attributable to other factors.

Evidence for bilateral involvement in idiom comprehension: An fMRI study.

The goal of the current study was to identify the neural substrate of idiom comprehension using fMRI. Idioms are familiar, fixed expressions whose meaning is not dependent on the literal interpretation of the component words. We presented literally plausible idioms in a sentence forcing a figurative or a literal interpretation and contrasted them with sentences containing idioms for which no literal interpretation was available and with unambiguously literal sentences. The major finding of the current study is that figurative comprehension in the case of both ambiguous and unambiguous idioms is supported by bilateral inferior frontal gyri and left middle temporal gyrus. The right middle temporal gyrus is also involved, but seems to exclusively process the ambiguous idioms. Therefore, our data suggest a bilateral neural network underlying figurative comprehension, as opposed to the exclusive participation of the right hemisphere. The data also provide evidence against proposed models of idiom comprehension in which literal processing is by-passed, since figurative processing demanded more resources than literal processing in the language network.

Imaging the processing of a second language: Effects of maturation and proficiency on the neural processes involved

Abstract In this paper we discuss recent neuroimaging evidence on three issues: (1) whether the same “language” areas are used to process a second language (L2) as the first language (L1) (2) the extent to which this depends on age of acquisition and (3) to the extent that the same areas of the brain are used, are they used in the same way? The results examined here are in general consistent with the hypothesis that the same areas of the brain are in general used for both languages, even for relatively low proficiency speakers. On the other hand, it appears that these areas are not necessarily employed as efficiently in L2, even for languages learned early in life. This may show up as a shift to the overuse of one part of the L1 processing system and an underuse of another.

Processing of visual semantic information to concrete words: temporal dynamics and neural mechanisms indicated by event-related brain potentials

Event-related brain potentials were used to study the retrieval of visual semantic information to concrete words, and to investigate possible structural overlap between visual object working memory and concreteness effects in word processing. Subjects performed an object working memory task that involved 5 s retention of simple 4-angled polygons (load 1), complex 10-angled polygons (load 2), and a no-load baseline condition. During the polygon retention interval subjects were presented with a lexical decision task to auditory presented concrete (imageable) and abstract (nonimageable) words, and pseudowords. ERP results are consistent with the use of object working memory for the visualisation of concrete words. Our data indicate a two-step processing model of visual semantics in which visual descriptive information of concrete words is first encoded in semantic memory (indicated by an anterior N400 and posterior occipital positivity), and is subsequently visualised via the network for object working memory (reflected by a left frontal positive slow wave and a bilateral occipital slow wave negativity). Results are discussed in the light of contemporary models of semantic memory.