Lewis Ayres
Durham University
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Scottish Journal of Theology | 2008
Lewis Ayres
Henri De Lubacs work on multi-sense scriptural reading has become a major resource for Catholic and Protestant theologians seeking a new integration of biblical studies and theology. Rarely, however, is it noticed that De Lubacs account of scriptural interpretation involves a robust notion of the soul and its transformation in the Christian life – and that in linking these themes De Lubac accurately reflects a central theme of pre-modern exegesis. This article thus suggests, first, that defending a notion of soul is important for those seeking to appropriate pre-modern exegesis. The article then argues that such a project is only possible if we move beyond Harnackian notions of early Christianitys ‘hellenisation’ and see the soul as a theological doctrine. The soul is the fundamental locus of a transformation in which Christians act in and through the Spirit as members of the body of Christ. Once the status of the soul is acknowledged, we are then best able to follow De Lubacs call for the reintegration of moral-practical aspects of Christianity and the discipline of theology. The article finally argues that Christian accounts of scriptural interpretation should find their core in an understanding of scripture as a graced resource for the formation of Christians, and that these accounts should be ever attentive to the place of scripture within the drama of salvation.
Modern Theology | 2002
Lewis Ayres
Gregory of Nyssa’s small text On Not Three Gods has often been treated as a key statement of his supposedly “pluralistic” and/or “social” Trinitarianism. I argue, first, that Gregory’s intention here is to shift discussion away from a focus on the possible analogies between the divine life and three seemingly distinct human beings, toward themes more fundamental in his theology. Second, I offer a reading of On Not Three Gods to show how Gregory’s Trinitarian theology—as all pro–Nicene theologies—revolves around a strong commitment to the unity of the divine power and activity and an equally strong insistence that all statements about the divine life and persons are governed by an account of the divine incomprehensibility.
Journal of Early Christian Studies | 2015
Lewis Ayres
An under-studied dimension of Irenaeus’s exegetical practice is his extensive use of Hellenistic literary-critical techniques. He couples this usage with a consistent claim that the meaning of texts should primarily be established by attending to the “clear” or “manifest” sense of terms and expressions. Irenaeus’s practice culminates a gradual and deepening engagement with these techniques apparent in earlier Christian texts, but the suddenness and striking quality of his advance is best explained by seeing him as reacting to the Val-entinian production of commentary literature that claims the cultural capital of ancient literary-critical techniques to justify reading the texts of the “New Testament” as enigmatic ciphers for Valentinian myths. Irenaeus responds by making a distinct claim on the same cultural capital—one that utilizes an established anti-allegorical rhetoric—to justify his own practice. Understanding Irenaeus’s particular adaptation of ancient literary-critical practice provides a deeper context for considering his emphasis on reading in the light of the regula veritatis. In so doing he becomes a foundational figure in shaping the exegetical practice so central to early Christianity in the centuries that follow.
Zeitschrift Fur Antikes Christentum-journal of Ancient Christianity | 2009
Lewis Ayres
ABSTRACT Der vorliegende Artikel untersucht den Begriff exemplum innerhalb der Confessiones Augustins. Der Autor vertritt die These, Augustin gestalte die berühmte Gartenszene in Confessiones VIII mit ihrem Kindersingsang (tolle, lege) parallel zur Reaktion des Ambrosius auf das erstmalige Hören des Evangeliums. Diese nachahmende Bezugnahme befindet sich im Zentrum einer Reihe weiterer Bekehrungsszenen bekannter Vorbilder (exempla), die ihrerseits Wirkung göttlicher Vorherbestimmung sind und maßgeblich zur Bekehrung Augustins beitragen. Die Untersuchung der augustinischen Verwendung von exemplum im Zusammenspiel mit Augustins sich entwickelnder Auffassung vom menschlichen Willen lässt den Autor zu der Auffassung gelangen, dass die durch exempla wirkende göttliche Vorhersehung dazu dient, die Christen in einen universellen Heilsplan einzubinden, der bereits in der Schöpfung angelegt ist. Der Artikel schließt mit einer Reflexion des experimentellen Charakters des augustinischen Gebrauchs von exemplum/exempla innerhalb der Confessiones im Rückgriff auf die heidnisch-antike Tradition.
Paget, James Carleton & Lieu, Judith (Eds.). (2017). Christianity in the second century : themes and developments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 106-121 | 2017
Lewis Ayres
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Journal of Early Christian Studies | 2017
Lewis Ayres
Hylen argues that their testimony is untrustworthy, an effort to “present Paul in the worst possible light” (88). In Chapter Five, Hylen surveys reception of the ATh, testing the hypothesis that Thecla was “domesticated” in later Christian sources. Taking Tertullian, Methodius, Ambrose, and The Life and Miracles of Saint Thecla as test cases, Hylen concludes that the domestication of Thecla in early Christianity is a popular scholarly narrative with little basis in early Christian sources. In Chapter Six, Hylen gives a brief conclusion crystallizing the complex ideal of “modesty” for women in early Christianity. In the final two pages, Hylen situates herself as historian within her own historical moment. I remain unconvinced of Hylen’s conclusions, which depend on simultaneously reading the ATh as less radical than is typically done and 1 Timothy as only inconsistently restrictive of women’s behavior. In the case of the former, the difference is a matter of emphasis: I see the redefinition of Roman family values as more significant than their maintenance. The latter, however, hinges on the interpretation of 1 Timothy 3.11–12 as referring to female deacons, which— particularly in the case of v. 12—I find very difficult to accept. I find, then, very little inconsistency in the letter’s attitude toward women. Despite these criticisms, there is value in reading the book. In the space of 122 pages, Hylen disputes the notions that the ATh and 1 Timothy represent two divergent streams of Pauline thought, that either the ATh or 1 Timothy represents a community with internally consistent views on women, that an unmarried life represented the possibility of more autonomy for early Christian women, that the ATh represents a call to celibacy, and that Thecla is “domesticated” in later Christian sources. Each of these objections is worthy of consideration, and Hylen has raised them in a readable format, accessible to graduate and undergraduate students alike. Janet E. Spittler, University of Virginia
Thomist | 2015
Lewis Ayres
N 2011 Reinhard Hütter published an article in First Things entitled “The Ruins of Discontinuity,” in which he reflected on the tumult and disorder of the Catholic theological world. For Hütter, that world is fragmented by styles of thought that sever the theologian from the continuities of Catholic tradition, and by an ideology that celebrates “relevance” and “originality” above fidelity. In particular Hütter
Journal of Early Christian Studies | 2005
Lewis Ayres
Some extremely minor quibbles. Clark repeatedly identifies Irenaeus as “midsecond century,” but he is not. Ancient Jews were “monotheist,” but this did not mean that they thought that there was only one god (6); rather, they thought that their god was supreme and that they rightly directed their loyalty and piety to him. To say that early Christians rejected Jewish sacrifice is a bit confusing (9): except for Paul’s letters (which do not reject latreia) all Christian texts are post70, when Jews are no longer sacrificing, and those in the Diaspora (unless convenient to Leontopolis) never were. Perhaps Christian synagogue communities were more welcoming to Gentile godfearers than were non-Christian synagogues (26). But Christian synagogues made a much tougher demand on their godfearers than non-Christian ones did on theirs. Only Christian godfearers had to renounce the worship of their native deities. More normative synagogues never made such a demand but permitted gentiles to voluntarily affiliate as pagans. As a result, only the Christian godfearers were at risk of persecution by the resentful, perhaps frightened majority. No matter. Clark and Cambridge University Press have done a great favor for anyone teaching in the area of Roman-period Christianity. May Christianity and Roman Society have just as long a shelf-life as its illustrious predecessors. Paula Fredriksen, Boston University
Archive | 2004
Ronald E. Heine; Frances M. Young; Lewis Ayres; Andrew Louth; Augustine Casiday
Cyprians writings fall into the two general categories of letters and treatises. Of the eighty-two letters, sixty are his, and six others are synodal letters of the African Church written by him. The remaining sixteen are letters addressed to him, or are letters to which he responded. Cyprians first writings as bishop were composed between his election and the beginning of the Decian persecution. The laxist church which Felicissimus led in Carthage, and Novatians rigorist church in Rome, splintered the unity of the Catholic Church. Cyprian addresses this issue in his most famous treatise, De Ecclesiae Catholicae Unitate. The return to the Catholic Church of converts baptized in Novatians church raised the question of the legitimacy of baptism performed in a schismatic church. Cyprians final writings were produced during his year of exile in the persecution of Valerian. He is concerned with the Church in its constitution and its daily life.
Irish Theological Quarterly | 2000
Lewis Ayres
«Soft-postmodernism» describes those writers whose use of certain postmodern themes would seem to be primarily determined by modern philosophical and ethical assumptions. John Caputos account of the supposed opposition between faith and knowledge is a good example. The author asks: is the resultant understanding of faith compatible with the understanding of Christian theology and faith as, e.g., expounded by Thomas Aquinas.