Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng

Bare and Not-So-Bare Nouns and the Structure of NP

This article examines the distribution and interpretational variability of bare nouns and [classifier+noun] phrases in Cantonese and Mandarin. We argue that bare nouns are never bare in structure and that [classifier+noun] phrases may have more structure than just Classifier Phrase. We show that the lack of articles and number morphology in Cantonese/Mandarin leads to many interesting differences between Chinese-type languages and English-/Italian-type languages.

Licensing Wh- in situ

This article examines French wh-in-situ. We argue that wh-in-situ in French is licensed by an intonation morpheme, which also licenses yes/no questions. Movement of a Q-feature of an in-situ wh-word is required to disambiguate the underspecified intonation morpheme. The underspecification nature of this intonation morpheme leads to limited distribution of French wh-in-situ. We further compare French wh-in-situ with Chinese and Portuguese, showing that wh-in-situ in different languages can in fact have different properties.

Two types of donkey sentences

Mandarin Chinese exhibits two paradigms of conditionals with indefinite wh-words that have the semantics of donkey sentences, represented by ‘bare conditionals’ on the one hand and ruguo- and dou-conditionals on the other. The bare conditionals require multiple occurrences of wh-words, disallowing the use of overt or covert anaphoric elements in the consequent clause, whereas the ruguo- and dou-conditionals present a completely opposite pattern. We argue that the bare conditionals are cases of unselective binding par excellence (Heim 1982, Kamp 1981) while the ruguo- and dou-conditionals are most naturally accounted for with the traditional E-type pronoun strategy of Evans (1980). We thus argue partly for a return to the E-type strategy (along with Heim 1990) but maintain the need for unselective binding in UG (cf. Kratzer 1989, Chierchia 1992). It is further shown that these two paradigms do not differ with respect to the proportion problem and the distribution of symmetric and asymmetric readings of Kadmon (1987), though they differ with respect to ∀ and ∃ readings (discussed in Chierchia 1992) in a non-trivial way that provides further support for the proposed approach. Finally, evidence is given that the bare conditionals should be kept apart from correlative constructions in languages like Hindi, and treated differently from the latter.

On Dou-quantification

This paper examines the frequently discussed quantifierdou ‘all’ in Mandarin Chinese. I argue, following traditional grammarians as well as Lee (1986), thatdou ‘all’ is an adverb of quantification. I show that a floating quantifier analysis ofdou ‘all’ along the lines of Chiu (1990, 1993) falls short of accounting for the dual status ofdou, as a quantifier and a binder. As a quantifier,dou quantifies over regular NPs (plural). As a binder,dou provides quantificational force forwh-polarity items, which do not have inherent quantificational force. I argue that the locality restrictions associated withdou varies depending on the element it is associated with. With regular NPs, the locality is reflected by LF adjunction ofdou. Withwh-polarity items, the locality is restricted by licensing of polarity items as well as its ability as a binder.

(In)Definiteness, Polarity, and the Role of wh-morphology in Free Choice

In this paper we reconsider the issue of free choice and the role of the whmorphology employed in it. We show that the property of being an interrogative whword alone is not sufficient for free choice, and that semantic and sometimes even morphological definiteness is a pre-requisite for some free choice items (FCIs) in certain languages, e.g. in Greek and Mandarin Chinese. We propose a theory that explains the polarity behaviour of FCIs cross-linguistically, and allows indefinite (Giannakidou 2001) as well as definite-like FCIs. The difference is manifested as a lexical distinction in English between any (indefinite) and wh-ever (definite); in Greek it appears as a choice between a FCI nominal modifier (taking an NP argument), which illustrates the indefinite option, and a FC free relative illustrating the definite one. We provide a compositional analysis of Greek FCIs in both incarnations, and derive in a parallel manner the Chinese FCIs. Here the definite versus indefinite alternation is manifested in the presence or absence of d�, which we take to express the maximality operator. It is thus shown that what we see in the morphology of FCIs in Greek is reflected in syntax in Chinese. Our analysis has important consequences for the class of so-called whindeterminates. In the context of current proposals, free choiceness is taken to come routinely from interrogative semantics, and wh-indeterminates are treated as question words which can freely become FCIs (Kratzer and Shimoyama 2002). Our results from Mandarin and Greek emphasize that wh-indeterminates do not form a uniform class in this respect, and that interrogative semantics alone cannot predict either sensitivity of free choice to definiteness, or the polarity behaviour of FCIs.

Where's the topic in Zulu?

Abstract This article provides a detailed investigation of the prosody and syntax of dislocation in Durban Zulu, an Nguni Bantu language spoken in South Africa. With focus elements obligatorily appearing in an immediately after the verb position, non-focused elements within a verb phrase have to be right- or left-dislocated. We discuss the asymmetries between right- and left-dislocation, showing that only left-dislocated elements can be topics. We argue that aside from a pre-subject Topic position, there is also a Topic position between the subject and the verb phrase. The prosodic phrasing cues in Zulu show that both the CP and the vP phases play a crucial role in determining the alignment with Intonational Phrases.

Deconstructing the shì... de construction

Abstract This article re-examines the controversial shì … de construction, which is shown to involve different types of structures, with different syntactic properties. The core of the analysis proposed in this article is twofold: (a) shì is a copula, which selects a small clause (with a subject and a predicate), and (b) de marks the presence of two different non-overt operators (a generalized lamba-operator, and an assertion operator). It is argued that the focus reading connected with shì is simply related to its copular/verbal property. Furthermore, Mandarin allows an in-situ focus strategy using phonological prominence; this strategy interacts with shì and its postverbal constituent.

Classifiers and DP

Wu and Bodomo (2009) argue against claims made in Cheng and Sybesma 1999. Gebhardt (2011) has contested their arguments related to the status of classifiers and the question whether all nouns in Chinese are mass. In this reply, we discuss some of the points Wu and Bodomo raise, arguing that (a) sortal classifiers are not lexical elements; (b) generic interpretation is not the same as kind interpretation; (c) demonstrative noun phrases do not have the same distribution and interpretation as definite noun phrases in Mandarin and Cantonese; and (d) the DP structure that Wu and Bodomo propose runs into serious problems with phrasal possessors. Finally, we discuss an alternative approach to the structure of the nominal domain in Chinese languages.

Wh-in-situ, from the 1980s to Now

This article provides an overview of the issues and proposals surrounding wh-insitu since the 1980s. In particular, it discusses the question of whether or not in-situ wh-phrases undergo covert wh-movement. Aside from reviewing the basic arguments for and against covert wh-movement, it considers alternative proposals put forth, ranging from movement of elements other than wh-phrases themselves, interpreting in-situ wh-phrases using choice function, to disguised movements in various forms. The article concludes with a discussion of intervention effects, as well as a special kind of multiple wh-questions, illustrating that covert wh-movement is still much needed.

Postverbal "can" in Cantonese (and Hakka) and Agree

Abstract This paper presents an analysis of sentences with the postverbal modal element dak in Cantonese and Hakka. We argue that dak is a verb, though in Cantonese and Hakka it is partly defective. It acquires different meanings depending on the position it occupies, which is either the position for modal verbs in the matrix clause or a modal position in the result denoting small clause. The analysis, if on the right track, has the consequence that there is no long distance Agree. Furthermore, it means that there is evidence for an IP-like functional projection in Chinese.