Lorenzo Cladi

Italian foreign policy in the post-cold war period: a neoclassical realist approach

Abstract Drawing on a neoclassical realist approach, this article analyses the foreign policy conduct of different Italian governments from 1994 to 2008. Pressured by the post-cold war international system, these governments have been compelled to raise Italys profile within the international system. However, the way in which successive governments have responded has differed markedly. By looking at variables located at the domestic level – elite perceptions of the distribution of power and government instability – it is possible to explain these differences. Neo-classical realism is seen as an advance on Waltzian neo-realism precisely because it allows room for domestic as well as international (or systemic) variables, and because it has a very specific focus on foreign policy as such.

Undergraduate teaching on biological weapons and bioterrorism at medical schools in the UK and the Republic of Ireland: results of a cross-sectional study

Objective To determine if individual undergraduate schools of medicine in the UK and the Republic of Ireland provide any teaching to medical students about biological weapons, bioterrorism, chemical weapons and weaponised radiation, if they perceive them to be relevant issues and if they figure them in their future plans. Design A cross-sectional study utilising an internet-based questionnaire sent to key figures responsible for leading on the planning and delivery of undergraduate medical teaching at all schools of medicine in the UK and Ireland. Setting All identified undergraduate schools of medicine in the UK and Ireland between August 2012 and December 2012. Outcome measures Numerical data and free text feedback about relevant aspects of undergraduate teaching. Results Of the 38 medical schools approached, 34 (28 in UK, 6 in Ireland) completed the questionnaire (89.47%). 4 (all in UK) chose not to complete it. 6/34 (17.65%) included some specific teaching on biological weapons and bioterrorism. 7/34 (20.59%) had staff with bioterrorism expertise (mainly in microbiological and syndromic aspects). 4/34 (11.76%) had plans to introduce some specific teaching on bioterrorism. Free text responses revealed that some felt that because key bodies (eg, UKs General Medical Council) did not request teaching on bioterrorism, then it should not be included, while others regarded this field of study as a postgraduate subject and not appropriate for undergraduates, or argued that the curriculum was too congested already. 4/34 (11.76%) included some specific teaching on chemical weapons, and 3/34 (8.82%) on weaponised radiation. Conclusions This study provides evidence that at the present time there is little teaching at the undergraduate level in the UK and Ireland on the subjects of biological weapons and bioterrorism, chemical weapons and weaponised radiation and signals that this situation is unlikely to change unless there were to be high-level policy guidance.

Worth a Shot: On the Explanatory Power of Bandwagoning in Transatlantic Relations

Realist scholars have been challenged by the growing European integration in defence issues. In a previous article we argued that realism is still relevant, but we also criticized recent attempts to explain the ESDP/CSDP as a form of balance of power. In turn, we suggested that – coherently with realisms core propositions – the European efforts to forge a common security and defence policy can be explained as an example of bandwagoning. Writing from a liberal perspective, Benjamin Pohl contends that focusing on the role of states’ relative power in foreign policy behaviour is misleading. As a result, for Pohl European integration is driven by European states’ consensus on the American liberal international order. While conceding that liberalism is an important alternative approach, in this article we stress our main point: simply put, bandwagoning is a better explanation for ESDP/CSDP. Drawing on Pohls remarks, we refine our argument by discussing how the concept of bandwagoning can be used for both alliance formation and alliance management. Finally, we conclude with a discussion on whether (and eventually how) it is possible to get to a synthesis of our positions.

The Italian General Election of 2006: Romano Prodi's Victory

(2) using Europe in general and the EU in particular to spread France’s values and to increase its own power. One can stress the creation of the EU for the Mediterranean (July 2008), the short-term success of the peace plan for Georgia (August 2008) and the November 2008 world finance summit (G20 in New York). These are examples of French diplomatic achievements and, for the latter two, of clever use of the EU to back French initiatives. In the context of the world financial crisis Sarkozy adopted a liberal-sceptic stance, not only in France, but also at the EU and international levels. He thus manages both to please his public opinion (rather opposed to globalisation) and to increase French soft power on the world stage. Thus, this volume offers a very useful background and conceptual framework for understanding current French politics. The number of chapters (13) could perhaps be criticized, as it somewhat damages the coherence of the book, but overall this volume succeeds in offering a comprehensive and multidisciplinary discussion of France facing globalisation and struggling for its rank. It offers different approaches tackling political, diplomatic, economic, cultural and environmental issues. Consequently, it addresses a wide range of scholars and post-graduates interested in the evolution of France in the twenty-first century.