Louise Chappell

New Institutionalism Through a Gender Lens: Towards a Feminist Institutionalism?

New institutionalism (NI) may no longer qualify as being ‘new’, but since re-emphasizing institutions as a central explanatory variable in political analysis over two decades ago, it continues to provide scholars with a useful perspective through which to analyse political dynamics and outcomes that shape everyday life. The renewed focus on institutions has rebalanced the structure/agency scales back toward the former without losing important insights about the role and impact of political actors. NI has allowed for greater understanding about the co-constitutive nature of politics: the various ways in which actors bring about or resist change in institutions; and the way institutions shape the nature of actors’ behaviour through the construction of rules, norms and policies.

Comparing Political Institutions: Revealing the Gendered “Logic of Appropriateness”

Why develop a comparative politics of gender? As the critical perspectives in this section demonstrate, there are many answers to this question. I would like to focus here on two reasons: first, for gaining a deeper understanding of the operations of political institutions, and second, for explaining the relationship between these institutions and social actors, including those pursuing a gender equality agenda. To be specific, this essay argues not just for a comparative politics of gender but for a comparative politics of gender and institutions . The discussion focuses on the possibility of using neo-institutionalist theory, especially in relation to its normative and dynamic understanding of institutions, to gain a deeper understanding of the way that gender shapes political institutions and also, through interaction with social actors, including feminists, the way gender norms can be disrupted to open new spaces for these actors.

Comparative Gender and Institutions: Directions for Research

A comparative politics of gender offers an opportunity to consider in detail the operation of gender within political institutions. As such, it contributes to a deeper understanding of the roles and experiences of men and women within political institutions, of the policies, laws and norms that are the outcomes of these institutions, and of the relationship between these institutions and social actors. This essay proposes a multi-directional strategy for undertaking comparative gender and institutional research that includes taking account of similarities and differences within and across states, between states and international institutions, across space as well as across time. It argues that through this research strategy it is possible to gain a more nuanced understanding of gender processes and outcomes, which is valuable to those working both inside and outside political institutions to advance a womens equality agenda. What is the utility in developing a comparative pol itics of gender? A comparative politics of gender offers an opportunity to develop a deeper under standing of specific policy areas that shape the lives of men and women; of the intersection between gendered identities and those of race, class and sexuality; and of the differences in womens representation across various polit ical systems. More generally, it also has the potential to expand the field of comparative politics and bring about new insights into the application of this methodological approach. One specific arena that could be advanced

The Rise and Decline of Women's Policy Machinery in British Columbia and New South Wales: A Cautionary Tale

This article presents a comparative analysis of the institutional trajectories traced by womens policy agencies within government in the province of British Columbia in Canada and in the state of New South Wales in Australia. In both cases, a period during which the principal womens policy agency took the form of a freestanding government ministry was followed by a period during which that ministry (along with an array of womens policy agencies located elsewhere in government) was dismantled. The partisan complexion of the governments undertaking these initiatives has been quite different in the two cases, and presents an apparent paradox. The article explores this paradox, as well as other patterns observable across the two cases, and provides an assessment of their implications.

Federalism and Social Policy: The Case of Domestic Violence

This paper challenges long standing critiques of federalism that suggest it stymies the development of progressive social policies. Through a case study of national domestic violence policies in Australia, this paper argues that not only can the curses of federalism – especially conservatism, duplication and overlap – be surmounted, but even more positively, under the right condition, federalism can enhance opportunities for the development of progressive social policy. While the Howard government has adopted a conservative approach to domestic violence, federal structures have made it possible to maintain an alternative discourse at the state level. Moreover, national policy coordination machinery has opened the path for policy learning and innovation between governments in this social policy area.

Nested Newness and Institutional Innovation: Expanding Gender Justice in the International Criminal Court

The year 2008 marked the fifth anniversary of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the tenth anniversary of the creation of the Rome Statute which provides the legal foundation of the Court. The Statute is groundbreaking in its codification of international criminal law in general and the recognition of the crimes committed against women in times of war and conflict in particular. By criminalizing acts of rape, sexual slavery, and enforced pregnancy amongst others, it constitutes the most advanced articulation ever of gender-based violence under international law. The Statute also embeds a gender equality mandate into the structures and processes of the Court to ensure that women and their rights are considered by the judicial, prosecutorial, and administrative arms of the Court.

Interacting with the State: Feminist Strategies and Political Opportunities

In recent years feminists have been engaged in new debates about gender and the state. Instead of adopting either a purely structural or agential approach, the emphasis in these debates is on the interactive relationship between the two. Feminists in political science have not been immune to this trend. Work is emerging in this field which dissaggregates the state to consider the way different political institutions shape and are shaped by engagement with feminist actors. This article contributes to these efforts by providing a detailed comparative analysis of feminist strategies and political opportunities in two similar political systems - Australia and Canada. A number of key points emerge from this study. First, similar institutions in different countries provide varying opportunities for feminists. As a result, it is not possible to make emphatic claims about certain institutions being more or less beneficial for feminists. Second, feminists respond to these opportunities by adopting certain strategies over others. Through these strategies, feminists can have a direct bearing on the opportunity structure open to them. What the experiences of Canadian and Australian feminists tell us is that the relationship between feminists and political institutions changes over both time and place; that it is interactive and dynamic, rather than predictable and permanent.

Conflicting Institutions and the Search for Gender Justice at the International Criminal Court

This article examines the mixed gender justice outcomes of the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) first case, The Prosecutor v. Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, and argues that they were influenced by competing institutions: older gender-biased norms of international law and new formal gender justice rules of the ICC’s Rome Statute. Using a feminist institutionalist framework, the article suggests that formal and informal institutions work together in multiple ways to produce different outcomes, and that in understanding the operation of informal institutions, it is as important to search for silences and inaction, as it is to identify articulation and action.

Designing robust and revisable policies for gender equality: lessons from the Australian construction industry

The construction industry remains the most male dominated sector in Australia. Several decades of formal gender equality initiatives by government and business have failed to bring about any meaningful change to the hierarchical and numerical representation of women in the sector. Drawing on new institutionalism, particularly the concepts of ‘robustness’ and ‘revisability’, the nature and intent of formal policies and programs that impact on gender equality are analysed in two large Australian multinational construction firms. Through in-depth interviews with senior management and a document analysis of formal policies, it is concluded that gender equality initiatives and broader policies are primarily focused on increasing the numbers of women in construction rather than addressing gender practices and outcomes. These policies lack many of the qualities of robustness and revisability, which impacts on their capacity to genuinely challenge the gendered norms, practices and narratives of the sector.

Australian Federalism and Domestic Violence Policy-Making

The influence of state architecture on gender policy and politics is an emergent strand of feminist research. This paper contributes to this research by undertaking a detailed case study of one specific gender policy area – domestic violence policy – in old federation Australia. Drawing on the experiences of the past decade, it confirms earlier research findings that demonstrate that under certain conditions, federal structures can influence the development of gender policy in positive ways, such as providing opportunities for ‘venue shopping’ and policy innovation. The paper engages, too, with recent research on Australian federalism and challenges the consensus about the centralised nature of the Australian federal system by demonstrating that in the area of gender policy, states and territories are more than just the implementation arms of the Commonwealth government. Sub-national governments continue to play an important and autonomous role in policy relating to women and therefore remain central sites for advancing gender equality.