Luis R. Fraga

Hispanic Americans and Educational Policy: Limits to Equal Access

This research examines the relationship between Hispanic representation on school boards and public policy outputs that affect Hispanic students. Using a data set of 35 large urban school districts, several questions are examined. First, the level of Hispanic representation on school boards is measured and related to types of electoral structure. Second, Hispanic representation on school boards is found to be a significant determinant of Hispanic employment as teachers. Third, Hispanic teachers have a major impact on the educational environment of the Hispanic student. Districts with larger percentages of Hispanic teachers also have Hispanic students who are more likely to complete school and more likely to attend college. These findings contribute to the growing literature linking passive representation with active representation.

Culture Clash? Contesting Notions of American Identity and the Effects of Latin American Immigration

The publication of Samuel Huntington’s Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity provides an opportunity to consider several distinct underlying assumptions about American national identity, and to evaluate the claim that this identity is threatened by growth among native-born and immigrant populations of Latin American origin, particularly—but not exclusively—Mexicans. It is certainly the case that Latin American migrants and their descendents make up a large and growing share of the nation’s population, and that Mexicans and MexicanAmericans are the overwhelming majority of this group. The timeliness of Huntington’s work is apparent when one considers that the 2002 Current Population Survey conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau estimated that Latinos 1 surpassed African Americans as the nation’s largest identifiable ethnic/racial group 2 comprising 13.5 percent of the national population. This growth is fueled by both higher fertility rates and continued immigration. And while others would debate this (see Alba in this symposium), we are inclined to accept Huntington’s characterization of this migrant flow as unlikely to stop or even slow anytime in the immediate future. As a result, population projections of the Census Bureau estimate that Latinos may comprise as much as 25 percent of the national population in 2050, when people of primarily European ancestry are estimated to comprise only 52 percent. 3 In this essay, we use Huntington as a jumping off point. We first examine the question of immigration and threats to national identity within the history of American political development. We consider what current and potential challenges the United States faces as it accommodates population shifts and prepares for a future where Caucasians are a far smaller proportion of the national population than may ever have been the case in our history. Further, we compare the relative abilities of Anglos and Latinos to shape that future, and whether and how those power inequalities inform competing claims regarding resistance to assimilation, cultural segregation, and national disunity. Finally, we offer some thoughts on how America might cope with its demographic evolution without resorting to xenophobia, isolationism, or cultural nationalism.

Su Casa Es Nuestra Casa: Latino Politics Research and the Development of American Political Science

Since the 1970s, Latino politics research has evolved, alternately responding to real-world political events and demographic changes, embracing new and emerging trends in the broader discipline, and offering new insights of its own that contribute to the development of political science. In so doing, there have emerged both an intellectual foundation and a growing body of empirical results, each of which challenges long-held theories and findings in the discipline more broadly. Thus, Latino politics research is central in refining and broadening our understanding of American politics. Immigration, social marginality, and their uncertain status as a racial or ethnic minority make this population unique and raise important obstacles in applying existing interpretations and orthodoxies from the disciplines other traditions to this emerging and rapidly growing segment of American society. The major contributions of this line of inquiry are identified in five key areas: pluralism, group identity and mobilization, political participation, institutions and representation, and assimilation. We conclude with some thoughts regarding how the evolution of American society and its Latino population will pose important questions for future generations of political scientists.

Gender and Ethnicity: Patterns of Electoral Success and Legislative Advocacy Among Latina and Latino State Officials in Four States

SUMMARY In this article we examine the patterns of gendered representation and related legislative advocacy within Latino delegations to four state legislatures in the Southwest. Most agree that one of the most significant changes in American politics in the post-civil rights era is the increasing election of women and people of color, but there is less agreement about the magnitude, consistency, and impact of this representation. Moreover, little is known about how these patterns vary by state. First, we examine the patterns of gendered and ethnic election in the states of Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas from 1990–2004. We find considerable variation across these states, relative to both women and Latinos, but the presence of Latinas within the Latino/a delegation has noticeably increased across all the states and at a rate that outpaces the increase in women in the legislatures overall. Second, using original survey data supplemented with elite interviews, we explore perceived differences in the representational priorities and related behaviors, issue agendas, and policy successes between Latinas and Latino men. We find a number of similarities but also find distinct differences that reveal Latinas place greater emphasis on representing the interests of multiple minority groups, promoting conflict resolution, and building consensus in both the legislature as a whole and within the Latino caucus. Latinas also are more likely than Latino men to introduce and successfully pass legislation that addresses the issue agenda held by both Latina and Latino legislators.

“Should They Dance with the One Who Brung 'Em?” Latinos and the 2008 Presidential Election

Although Latinos have grown substantially as a percent of the American population to now comprise the largest ethnic-racial minority group in the U.S., whether or not this national population growth can translate into direct political influence in presidential elections has always been unclear (DeSipio 1996 ; Fraga and Ramirez 2003–04 ). At least since the 1988 election, however, scholars of Latino politics have argued that Latino voters could serve as key swing voters if certain contextual and strategic conditions existed in specific contests (Guerra 1992 ). Among these are: a competitive election in states where Latinos are a determinative segment of the electorate; strategic mobilization of Latino voters; active engagement in the election by Latino elected officials, related organizational leaders, and Latino campaign strategists; a viable Latino candidate; and issues of specific relevance to Latino voters (Guerra and Fraga 1996 ).

PLAYING THE “LATINO CARD”: Race, Ethnicity, and National Party Politics

The Democratic and Republican parties both pursue a Downsian median voter strategy that has direct implications for the role of African Americans and Latinos in national politics. The driving force in much national politics is still the politically polarizing Black-White divide in the South, which provides the necessary foundation for a nationally competitive Republican Party. This Black-White racial divide also pushes the Democratic Party to deracialize its campaigns as guided by the strategy of the Democratic Leadership Council. Counterintuitively, however, the more recent strategy of the Republican Party also contains symbolic appeals to racial inclusion with a specific focus on Latinos and a consistent marginalization of African Americans. These are efforts to soften their social conservatism to appeal to moderate “swing” White voters. We conclude that the current politics of race and ethnicity in national party politics, by Republicans and Democrats, can serve to marginalize the interests of both African Americans and Latinos in substantive policymaking.

Domination through Democratic Means Nonpartisan Slating Groups in City Electoral Politics

Nonpartisan slating groups are organizations that recruit, nominate, finance, and campaign on behalf of a slate of candidates in a system of effective nonpartisanship. This article analyzes the interests of those who established and operated these slating groups. Examining the origins, success, and bases of electoral support of these groups revealed that in contemporary city politics, they long served to institutionalize further the upper and middle class, and white ethnic and racial biases of the Municipal Reform Movement of the Progressive Era. As such, slating-group domination of city electoral politics worked to the systematic disadvantage of disfavored minorities.

Barriers to Equal Opportunity Educational Practices and Minority Students

This study empirically examines the impact of within-school educational practices on minority students for the period 1968-1982. Findings reveal disparities between black and white and/or Hispanic and white students in ability-grouping placements, disciplinary actions, and graduation ratios. Also, data show substantial differences in minority and white teacher/administrative employment practices. The implications of these findings for understanding equal educational opportunity and attainment are discussed.

The Brussels issue in Belgian politics

Belgium is one of the few countries that has been able effectively to accommodate major divisions along linguistic, cultural, ethnic and territorial lines within the fabric of a unitary government. However, one major issue which it has been unable to resolve is the status of its capital city, Brussels, within its devolution reforms. The status of Brussels encapsulates all aspects of the major community divisions in Belgium and has led to numerous unsuccessful legislative proposals, endless parliamentary debates, and the fall of several governments. It was not until 1980 that the Belgian government was able to deal ‘constructively’ with this issue. It did so by removing it from the national political agenda. It is likely that the status of Brussels as a non‐issue is the only resolution possible.

A Demographic Profile of Latinos in the United States

Despite this tremendous growth and presence, Lati nos are often underserved or unable to access healthcare services. This, in large part, is a result of the concentrati on of Lati nos in job sectors that are low wage, high risk, and do not provide benefi ts, as well as a result of other factors, such as low socioeconomic status, language, and culture. Because Lati nos are the second largest group in the U.S., their health and well being is crucial to the current and future well being of the enti re U.S. populati on from a public health perspecti ve.