Lynn Davies

Schools and War: Urgent Agendas for Comparative and International Education.

A focus on conflict and education is one of the most pressing concerns of the current times, and yet the role of education in the perpetuation, or the mitigation, of international conflict is curiously underplayed and under‐researched. This paper looks firstly at the contributions that education makes to conflict, through the reproduction of inequality and exclusion, through perpetuation of ethnic or religious divisions, through its acceptance of dominant aggressive masculinities, through selection, competition and fear, and through distorted curricular emphases on narrow cognitive areas of learning. However, the paper also outlines some ‘possibilities for hope’, such as resilient schools, the impact of peace education initiatives and the rise of global citizenship education. It is argued that comparative and international education has a highly important role in establishing patterns of educational contribution to peace or conflict, and in dissemination of research to act as a lobbying force to influence education policy and practice. The paper outlines eight priorities, including alternative international studies focusing on ‘achievement’ in peace education; cross‐cultural or longitudinal studies of impact of peace education and war education; and tracer studies of why young people join fundamentalist organisations.

Comparing Definitions of Democracy in Education L

Abstract The growth of democratisation reveals tensions associated with the concept and practice of democracy, particularly as applied to education. Such tensions include either suspicions of Western imperialism or—at the other end of the spectrum—the enthusiastic embracing of neo‐liberal market versions. There can be associations both with equity and with anarchy, or the assumption that democracy is only about majority rule. This paper proposes an eight‐point model by which to compare systems: this looks at values, rights, system structures, school processes, learning content, balance, training and outcomes. The paper goes on to outline ways to identify indicators of democracy and adherence to human rights in school structures and processes. Examples are given of the different ways democracy can be interpreted at different levels in a country. The argument is that such comparisons and understandings of language and process are essential if international collaboration towards democracy and development is ...

Educational Decentralisation in Malawi: A Study of Process.

In fact, decentralisation of governmental functions has become something of a panacea or even mantra in global discussions of ‘good governance’ or more effective forms of decision-making. Many arguments are put forward for this—increased governmental responsiveness, greater community participation, more flexible planning and implementation, more efficient and less expensive provision of goods and services. Nevertheless, it is pertinent to note that while decentralisation may potentially be a more efficient way of managing schools, in itself it is, in the end, merely a mechanism and can be used for different ideological purposes. In South Africa, for example, it was used in the early 1990s to try to protect the privileged position of all-white schools by giving them some independence to protect their resources and admissions policies prior to the first democratic election in 1994. In contrast, in the post-apartheid era it has been used to try to develop an accountable and democratically governed school system (Harber, 2001, Ch. 1). Important for the purposes of this article is that there is a significant difference between decentralisation policy and structures on the one hand and decentralisation process and cultures on the other.

Opportunities for change: education innovation and reform during and after conflict

impact of the physical school buildings where children increasingly have allergies and are expected to concentrate in noise polluted classrooms that have been “cleaned” with strong chemical cleaners. All these factors heighten an individual’s sensitivities, which in turn affects behaviour and learning. The third section, Chapters 10–12, focuses on specific improvements such as teachers’ expectations and individual assessment of strengths and weaknesses through to suitable interpretation of assessment measures. Here, using individualised programmes within the classroom setting, each child can learn outside his or her limits through scaffolded learning with competent adult and peer interactions. Gunzelmann suggests children need empowering to take charge and be responsible for their learning, to develop negotiation skills and remain constantly active in their learning through inquiry, problem-based learning, and critical thinking. These qualities need endorsing, teaching and internalising. The last pages summarise various schooling options. Gunzelmann’s final words are: “advocate for your child, believe in your child, change what is necessary to get your child thriving in school and continue to support this, and finally, don’t give up!” Very powerful and strong words to be internalised! This is exactly what we learned with our own son. Included are useful annotated resources, references, readings and the author’s contact details to answer personal questions. As a teacher, counsellor and educator who has worked from primary to tertiary levels, and experienced a son who did not “fit the system,” I found this book well presented, insightful and provided reassuring “ah hah” moments. Included is sufficient information for adults to question, take action, feel empowered, advocate and build resiliency skills for the sake of children who may not “fit the system.” This is not about wheel re-invention yet assisting in a journey of discovery where challenges are normalised through empowerment and education. I strongly recommend it.

Security, Extremism and Education: Safeguarding or Surveillance?

Abstract This article analyses how education is positioned in the current concerns about security and extremism. This means firstly examining the different meanings of security (national, human and societal) and who provides security for whom. Initially, a central dilemma is acknowledged: that schooling appears to be simultaneously irrelevant to the huge global questions of security and yet central to the learning of alternative ways to conduct human relations. With regard to extremism, two aspects of importance in ideological compliance or challenge are firstly the attempted securitisation of education, and secondly the role of education in young people joining or supporting extremist movements. The UK’s ‘Prevent’ strategy is examined here. The issue of how to safeguard young people without securitising institutions suggests four key features: inclusivity, encounters with difference, networking and active citizenship. Critiquing sacred texts and the use of humour and satire also act to foster resilience. Educational approaches within transitional justice underline the importance of tackling violence in schools and promoting a human rights culture that promotes both human security and ultimately national security.

Learning for state‐building: capacity development, education and fragility

This paper examines capacity development in education in fragile contexts. This is a current concern for donors and development partners, but there has been little work on the nexus between capacity, education and fragility. The paper examines the concept of fragility and the particular problems in education associated with fragile contexts. The key argument – and tension – is that the focus should be on restoring state functions, yet this may be in a context of severe difficulties for donor agencies or NGOs of aligning with the government. The paper outlines some of the choices to be made in deciding on a focus for capacity development in education, examining the levels for intervention (individual, organisational, cultural and political) and the different sectors (administration and education institutions). It provides examples of the different sorts of areas in capacity development in education arenas that would address specific features of fragility, but draws attention to the need for research and indicators of the different impact of these strategies. The paper concludes with an analysis of what appears to be necessary to ensure that capacity development efforts are sustainable.

Gender, Education, Extremism and Security.

This paper examines the complex relationships between gender, education, extremism and security. After defining extremism and fundamentalism, it looks first at the relationship of gender to violence generally, before looking specifically at how this plays out in more extremist violence and terrorism. Religious fundamentalism is also shown to have gendered concerns. The paper concludes with drawing together the educational implications of these analyses, arguing for a politicised education to promote both national and personal security. Five components are proposed: acceptance of ambiguity rather than absolutism and single truths; a secular basis in human rights; breaking down ‘otherness’; reconciliation rather than revenge; and free speech and humour.

School Power Cultures under Economic Constraint

Abstract This article explores the cultures of management in schools, focusing particularly on schools operating in contexts of stringency such as the Third World. It uses gender cultures as a specific example of a power base to school processes. It argues that there are major taken‐for‐granted themes which underpin contemporary schooling in most parts of the world: hierarchies; competition; individuation of success and failure; scarcity of resources; and control. The continued gendering of schools is one result of participants’ struggle for power and status conditioned by these themes. A script analysis is used to identify common typescripts for managers and teachers, and their links with wider cultures of power are explored. It is argued that womens undervaluation in administration derives in part from the domination of school management by a particular version of masculinity which is competitive, over‐confident, sporting, career‐oriented and status‐conscious. The degree of gendering of an institution ...

Mentoring in Relation to Violent Extremism: A Study of Role, Purpose, and Outcomes

This article presents the key findings of an evaluation of a mentoring scheme being implemented for individuals deemed vulnerable to violent extremism in the West Midlands region in the United Kingdom. The key findings of this study are, firstly, that mentoring around violent extremism carries distinctive features, and can be distinguished from mentoring in other areas of criminal behavior or in drug/alcohol use. Secondly, there is ongoing debate around what the purposes of mentoring are; crystallizing around the key question of whether mentoring in the area of violent extremism is about changing beliefs or changing behavior, or both; therefore, how to measure success? The article examines the different theoretical fields in relation to de-radicalization, disengagement, desistance, and debiasing in order to situate the articles findings in a broader body of work. This article also links individual mentoring to the notion of community, for it is important to consider the individual who is being mentored in relation to the broader set of communities that they belong to or associate with. Here, it is stressed that in the United Kingdom there are significant tensions between approaches that emphasize community cohesion, and those that emphasze liberal freedoms associated with liberal democracy, particularly in relation to Al Qaeda–linked extremism.

Interruptive Democracy in Education

Globally, there are increasing arguments both for the democratisation of education and for the use of education to promote a democratic society. Clearly, these processes are linked. Democratic schools would better prepare for active citizenship and for a strong civil society which are seen to be the foundation of a democratic state. This chapter does not go into all the overall arguments for school-based democracy, which have been rehearsed before (e.g. Harber & Davies, 1997/2002; Limage, 2001). Instead it attempts to probe deeper into what form of democracy in schools or colleges is needed in an age of globalisation. The arguments arise from my work on conflict and education (Davies, 2004) which examines the role of educational institutions in either conflict prevention or conflict exacerbation. It uses complexity theory to unpack roots of conflict as well as derive new possibilities for the ‘complex adaptive school’. The book argues that while there are inspiring examples of schools that engage in peace education or that work across various ethnic or religious divides, on balance the forms, structures, ideologies and purposes of formal education act to make national and international conflict more likely. From this comes the apparently paradoxical conclusion that schools need to foster more conflict within themselves – but positive conflict, which I term ‘ interruptive democracy’.