M. Rita Manzini

A minimalist theory of A-movement and control

Abstract In this article, we point out some problems in the theory of A-movement and control within Principles and Parameters models, and specifically within the minimalist approach of Chomsky (1995). In order to overcome these problems, we motivate a departure from the standard transformational theory of A-movement. In particular, we argue that DPs are merged in the position where they surface, and from there they attract (an aspectual feature of) a predicate. On this basis, control can simply be construed as the special case in which the same DP attracts more than one predicate. Arbitrary control reduces to the attraction of a predicate by an operator in C. We show that the basic locality properties of control follow from an appropriate Scopal version of Chomskys (1995) Minimal Link Condition and from Kaynes (1984) Connectedness, phrased as conditions on the Attract operation. Our approach has considerable advantages in standard cases of A-movement as well, deriving the distribution of reconstruction effects at LF as well as the blocking effects on phonosyntactic rules at PF.

Linkers and agreement

Abstract In many languages a linker element is inserted between a noun N and a modifier or a complement of N. We focus on Albanian articles and on Iranian ezafes, and we introduce comparison data from Aromanian. In section 2, we provide arguments as to why currently available formal theories of linkers (as copulas, as case assigners, as means for identity avoidance) face problems when applied to Albanian or Kurdish. In section 3 we argue, on the basis of morphological, syntactic and interpretive evidence, that linkers (at least in the languages considered) form a constituent with the A(P) that follows them and that their category is D. Section 4 contains the theoretical core of the discussion. A linker D and a determiner D have in common the fact that they are both able to satisfy argument slots of a predicative head (e.g. A). However a D closing off a DP is an operator, establishing a relation between a restrictor (the NP) and a domain of quantification (a VP). A linker D is a bound variable – it provides a satisfaction for a theta-role ultimately bound by the higher D. A cross-linguistic typology of determiners, linkers and pronominal clitics based on this analysis is provided. In section 5 we extend the analysis to pre-genitival linkers, treating genitive case as an elementary part-whole relation, of which the linker saturates the external argument (the possessum).

Ergative case, aspect and person splits: Two case studies

Ergativity splits between perfect and imperfective/progressive predicates are observed in languages with a specialized ergative case (Punjabi) and without it (Kurdish). Perfect predicates correspond to a VP projection; external arguments are introduced by means of an oblique case, namely an elementary part–whole predicate saying that the event is ‘included by’, ‘located at’ the argument. A more complex organization is found with imperfective/progressive predicates, where a head Asp projects a functional layer and introduces the external argument. Our proposal further yields the 1/2P vs. 3P Person split as a result of the intrinsic ability of 1/2P to serve as ‘location-of-event’.

Locality theory: Competing models of weak islands

This paper explores two questions, related to Chomskys (1981) ECP, under which traces must have a proper government relation either to a head, or to an antecedent. The first question concerns the definition of proper head government. Section 1 argues that at least Rizzis (1990) and Cinques (1991) referential indices can be dispensed with once the LF syntax of wh-constructions is properly understood. The second question concerns the definition of antecedent government. Section 2 shows that antecedent based conceptions of locality, such as Rizzis (1990) Relativized Minimality (cf. Chomskys 1995 Minimal Link Condition) and non-antecedent based notions, such Chomskys (1986a) (rigid) Minimality, can be equivalent, at least for phrasal movement, given appropriate assumptions

From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems

Abstract The evolution from Latin into Romance is marked by the loss of case in nominal declensions. In most Romance varieties, however, pronouns, specifically in the 1st/2nd person singular, keep case differentiations. In some varieties 1st/2nd singular pronouns present a three-way case split, essentially the same reconstructed for proto-Romance (De Dardel and Gaeng 1992, Zamboni 1998). We document and analyze the current situation of Romance in the first part of the article (section 1). In the second part of the article we argue that the Dative Shifted distribution of loro in modern Italian, accounted for by means of the category of weak pronoun in Cardinaletti and Starke (1999), is best construed as a survival of oblique case in the 3rd person system (section 2). This casts doubts on the weak pronoun category, as applied to Old Italian as well (Egerland and Cardinaletti 2010).

a/bare finite complements in Southern Italian varieties: mono-clausal or bi-clausal syntax?

In dialects of Apulia, Calabria and Sicily a restricted number of verbs, including ‘stay/be’, ‘go’, ‘come’ and ‘want’ embed finite complements, either bare or introduced by a. One aim of the present work is to make the corpus of data in Manzini and Savoia (2005) accessible in English. The corpus displays a certain amount of microparametric variation, which is also known, in a less complete form, from independently collected data. On the basis of the evidence presented, we will discuss the two major syntactic analyses proposed for this type of sentences. Under the mono-clausal analysis, verbs like ‘stay, ‘go’ etc. are functional heads embedding a lexical predicate (Cardinaletti and Giusti 2001, 2003). The bi-clausal analysis on the contrary treats embedding under ‘stay’, ‘go’ etc. as anormal clausal embedding (Manzini and Savoia 2005). In this article we reiterate that the bi-clausal analysis is not only feasible, but also advantageous, from a morphosyntactic point of view. We conclude by sketching how this analysis can be rendered compatible with the mono-eventive interpretation that at least some of the relevant structures are reported to have.