Madhav Govind

Social repercussions of e-waste management in India: a study of three informal recycling sites in Delhi

The informal sector in India processes more than 90% of e-waste, using rudimentary techniques and unskilled workers. In contravention of the E-waste (Management and Handling) Rules 2011, a large number of informal units are carrying out the processing of e-wastes in Delhi. This paper analyses the process of e-waste management in the informal sector and throws light on the working and living conditions of workers at some dismantling sites in Delhi. On the basis of unstructured interviews with e-waste workers, the paper articulates their risk perception and highlights the economics of e-wastes recycling in the informal sector. Given the harmful effects of e-wastes and the involvement of a large number of people, the paper underlines the need for changes in application of the law to recognize the rights of the workers and to strengthen safety provisions for them.

Computer and mobile phone waste in urban India: an analysis from the perspectives of public perception, consumption and disposal behaviour

Sustainable management of Electronic waste (E-waste) is a major challenge for contemporary India, an emerging economy burdened with both the domestic generation and illegal import of E-waste. Considering the ever-increasing complexities of E-waste in Indian cities, this paper aims to evaluate the current trends, opportunities and challenges associated with consumption of electronic items (with respect to computers and mobile phones) and disposal of E-waste in urban India. Bangalore, a city popularly known as the ‘Silicon Valley of India’, is considered as a case study in order to evaluate public awareness, household consumption and E-waste disposal behaviours. The city profile of Bangalore indicates that it has a rapidly emerging market for electronics and thus, has the potential to act as a ‘model’ for evaluating the issues concerning E-waste in metropolitan India. Questionnaires were distributed originally among 300 households with an effective response rate of 63.3%. The results indicate that the majority of households (59.3%) still retain their obsolete electronics due to lack of knowledge about proper E-waste management. High awareness about E-waste and high willingness to recycle/repair their E-waste (above 80% in both cases) are yet to be translated into responsible disposal/recycling behaviour as 95.8% of households have no knowledge about the presence of any formal recycling centre. Income, education, age and gender dimensions associated with E-waste disposal behaviour and awareness were also evaluated. Although we found no gender differences for most of the parameters, there have been some interesting correlations in age and income-wise segregation of disposal behaviour. We noted that the city of Bangalore still possesses some typical Indian socio-cultural characteristics, such as considering E-waste as ‘valuables’, changing several hands before final disposal, defying ‘brand’ or ‘looks’ consciousness, etc., which could be directed towards responsible E-waste disposal behaviours. We suggest that establishing appropriate and convenient E-waste collection/recycling facilities, ensuring responsible household disposal behaviour, implementing effective laws and legislation, and organizing mass E-waste awareness campaigns would aid in addressing the current E-waste concerns in the city.

Community Participation or Manufactured Consent? Strategies for Implementation of Drinking Water Project ‘Jalanidhi’ in Kerala (India)

The present study explains how the state engages with the dominant groups in the community and how people’s consent is manufactured to legitimize the implementation of the project. On the basis of focus group discussion with beneficiaries and informal interview of implementing actors, the study shows that people’s responses towards ‘Jalanidhi’ vary as per their socio-economic positions in the society. While the middle and the upper class people were generally favouring the project, the poor and weaker sections were strongly opposing the idea of user charge for drinking water. The middle class viewed the user charge for drinking water as ‘normal’ and more efficient compared to the state-driven supply; the lower class, especially those who belonged to the scheduled castes (SC) and scheduled tribes (ST), viewed it as a violation of their rights. Yet, they were denied any alternative to the neoliberal agenda of community-based drinking water supply and were forced to conform to the project. The study focuses on using the insights developed by Michel Foucault. His genealogical analysis offers tools to understand the forms of power relations at the grassroots. The study uses ‘Jalanidhi’ as a context to examine these concepts and shows how it can be used to understand the processes that lead to the social acceptance of commodification of natural resources like water.

Revisiting land acquisition and urban process

offers very convincing arguments and spells out how outsmarting waste would help us not only to save our planet but also money at individual and corporate level. After reading the book a reader may realize that ‘trash is too valuable to toss’ and may feel a strong urge ‘to find alternative ways to repurpose it’. Deepak Chopra provides a foreword. It is a thought-provoking book. It will be a handy guide for all those who want to know how to contribute to the environmental health of our planet.