Maia Carter Hallward

Hamas as a Political Party: Democratization in the Palestinian Territories

Why do violent movements participate in elections? To answer this question, we examine Hamass formation of the Reform and Change Party and its iconic victory in the 2006 elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council. We argue that Hamass formation of this party was a logical step, following nearly two decades of participation in local and municipal elections. Hamass need to attract resources from external donors, who make funding decisions based on civilian support for the movement, best explains why Hamas decided to participate in local elections in the early 1990s, taking Hamas on a path that eventually led to its 2006 legislative victory. Hamass foray into elections was consistent with its dual strategy of directing violence against Israel and building Palestinian support through welfare services. We demonstrate that changes in political opportunities (Fatahs decline and the increase in Hamass popularity), institutional incentives (lax electoral laws and the holding of municipal elections), and the rise of moderate voices within Hamas explain the timing of its entry into legislative elections. Finally, we discuss Hamass electoral victory, the need for cooperation between Fatah and Hamas, and the role played by international actors as significant factors influencing prospects for peace and democratization in the region.

International relations scholarship, academic institutions and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict

This paper explores the role of academic scholarship and practice in constituting, aggravating, and resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The first section of the paper examines how scholarly discourse and methods of analysis contribute to shaping (mis)understandings of on-the-ground conflict dynamics. To demonstrate this point, the paper first overviews conventional social science methods used in mainstream international relations (IR) scholarship that tend to reify, freeze and homogenize ‘the conflict’ as well as conflict parties and then uses a different scholarly approach—namely a processual, peace-studies-oriented methodology—that provides a very different ‘picture’ of the conflict, its parties and appropriate strategies of engagement in the pursuit of peace. The second section of the paper uses three brief case studies to demonstrate how Israeli and Palestinian academics help constitute ‘the conflict’ and its parties not only through their scholarship but also through their ‘practice’. These examples also show the importance of re-evaluating analytical models to include contextual dynamics such as time, place and sources of available power as well as to recognize the diversity of Palestinian and Israeli views regarding the sources of—and best approaches for addressing—‘the conflict’.

Negotiating Boundaries, Narrating Checkpoints: The Case of Machsom Watch

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict has been the focus of much attention in the scholarly, policy, and activist communities. Although interpretations of the conflict vary, most discussions mix a variety of approaches, and some basic frameworks of analysis include: ‘clash of civilizations’ between the more ‘Western’ Israeli Jews and ‘Eastern’/‘Islamic’ Palestinian Arabs; social–psychological issues, including different cultural communication styles; competing land claims to the territory between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea; and political movements seeking both self-determination and international recognition. As one can surmise from the list of ‘final status’ issues— including borders, refugees, settlements, and Jerusalem—that were postponed repeatedly during the years of the Oslo Peace Process (and which were not on the list of issues to discuss at the November 2007 Middle East conference in Annapolis hosted by the United States), issues of territory and identity are intertwined in the political processes that createThe Israeli–Palestinian conflict has been the focus of much attention in the scholarly, policy, and activist communities. Although interpretations of the conflict vary, most discussions mix a variety of approaches, and some basic frameworks of analysis include: ‘clash of civilizations’ between the more ‘Western’ Israeli Jews and ‘Eastern’/‘Islamic’ Palestinian Arabs; social–psychological issues, including different cultural communication styles; competing land claims to the territory between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea; and political movements seeking both self-determination and international recognition. As one can surmise from the list of ‘final status’ issues— including borders, refugees, settlements, and Jerusalem—that were postponed repeatedly during the years of the Oslo Peace Process (and which were not on the list of issues to discuss at the November 2007 Middle East conference in Annapolis hosted by the United States), issues of territory and identity are intertwined in the political processes that create

Building space for peace? Israeli and Palestinian activism in the Second Intifada

This article investigates the limitations of peace theory in comparing and contrasting strategies adopted by activist groups working to resolve conflicts of varying types in varying contexts. Using the case of seven Israeli and Palestinian peace and justice groups that remained active after the collapse of the Camp David negotiations and the outbreak of the Second Intifada, the article illustrates the benefits of a process-based approach to peacebuilding for examining how, why, and to what extent approaches used by these groups changed between 2004–05 and 2008. The findings highlight how domestic, regional, and international changes have affected the operation of peace and justice activists, and suggest that those interested in progress towards a negotiated peace agreement should not assume that past policy instruments will work in the current environment.

Challenges and Opportunities Facing Successful Women in Mocrocco

ABSTRACT Over a decade since the passage of a revised family status code (mudawana) in Morocco, the literature varies in its assessment of the codes impact on womens rights and opportunities. While some studies point to the formal support for gender equality reflected in the revised code, others note that Moroccan women continue to face challenges in the social and symbolic spheres. Drawing on interviews conducted by the authors with women leaders in Morocco in 2016, this paper investigates the opportunities and obstacles these women have encountered in their personal journeys. The paper explores the extent to which elite background, work sector, religion, and legal codes affect womens ascent to leadership roles and shares the womens own views regarding improving womens status.

Religious vs. Secular Human Rights Organizations: Discourse, Framing and Action

Abstract The study of human rights is dominated by secular voices; however, increasingly the study of international relations recognizes the tension and interplay between the religious and the secular, and the impetus for human rights work has often come from a religious or moral foundation. Although understudied, religious NGOs and religious beliefs and universal ethics have long shaped discourses on human rights in the United Nations. This article explores the ways in which religious and secular human rights organizations frame, discuss, legitimize, and operationalize human rights issues and priorities. Through document analysis and interviews with members of international human rights organizations, the authors trace the similarities and differences between the organizations, their missions and focus, their conceptions of human rights, and their rationale for engaging in the field for the purpose of better assessing the opportunities and challenges for cooperation between these groups.

Decision-Making Meets Negotiation: The Palestinian Bid for UN Recognition

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict attracts much scholarly and diplomatic attention. However, despite Secretary of State John Kerry’s determination during the 2014 round of negotiations, the parties are no closer to reaching a negotiated agreement over twenty years after the signing of the Oslo Accords. This article explores an under-examined aspect of negotiation, the decision to enter into talks, using poliheuristic theory. We examine the decision-making calculus of Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas in his bid for Palestinian statehood at the United Nations, a decision to not negotiate. We ask not only why did Abbas choose to bypass US -mediated negotiations, but why he chose to pursue Palestinian statehood at the UN . In our analysis and discussion, we identify gaps in the existing decision-making and negotiation literatures and ways to better incorporate questions of power asymmetry and the complexity of context into poliheuristic theory.

Conclusion: Prospects for Nonviolent Resistance in Palestine-Israel

The objective of this volume is to bring further attention to the use of nonviolent resistance in Palestine-Israel,1 particularly during the second intifada, while also contributing to the scholarship of nonviolent resistance by exploring the changing actors, tactics, and perceptions shaping popular struggle in the region. The contributions in this volume provide a much broader discussion of Palestinian nonviolent resistance than is usually found in the scholarly literature, and examine the opportunities and challenges that come with broadening the discussion of unarmed struggle not only in theory but also in practice. The contributors to this book, coming from a range of professional, geographic, and disciplinary backgrounds, have provided varied insights into the phenomenon of nonviolent resistance in Palestine-Israel, based primarily on direct observations and personal experiences. Each chapter has provided a rich analytical snapshot of nonviolence in the region, illustrating the diversity of people, actions, and ideas involved in this type of struggle. Because this volume, unlike many on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, is written largely by scholar-practitioners, the authors are concerned not only with how the acts of nonviolent resistance contribute to theoretical understanding of the phenomenon, but also ask practical questions regarding the significance of these findings for nonviolent resistance movements in Palestine-Israel and elsewhere.

Can nonviolence work in the Arab–Israeli conflict?

group solidarity, social norms, political legitimation, and legal authority. Religious rules create ingroups and outgroups, influence marital choices, and affect childrearing practices. From his disclaimers elsewhere in the book, it seems that Moghadam is constructing a conceptual scapegoat – Salafi-Jihadist ideology – in order to avert criticism that he is blaming Islam for SMs committed by avowed Muslims acting in the name of their religion. Probably the most valuable portions of the book are its descriptions of Al Qaeda’s methods, particularly its use of the Internet and its relationship with affiliates. The sections on the events leading up to both 9-11 attacks in the US and the 7-7 attacks on London’s transit system provide useful insights on the organization’s operations. The most readable parts are the biographies of suicide bombers, which are well done, illuminating, and even compelling. Overall, this book contains a wealth of facts about Al Qaeda’s history, ideology, and leadership, but the book’s conceptual claims are less successful. Seeing SalafiJihadist ideas as ideology rather than religion does not help us understand whether or why these ideas should give special support to martyrdom.