Marcelo Lopes de Souza

Social movements as ‘critical urban planning’ agents

Curiously, even progressive planners usually share with their conservative counterparts the assumption that the state is the sole urban planning agent. This paper outlines that even if the state is sometimes controlled by more or less progressive forces and even influenced by social movements, civil society should be seen as a powerful actor in the conception and implementation of urban planning and management. Drawing on examples from urban social movements in Latin America, in particular favela activism, the sem‐teto movement and participatory budgeting, it explores how civil society can conceive, and even implement, complex, radically alternative socio‐spatial strategies. This can be seen as part of a genuine attempt at ‘grassroots urban planning’.Curiously, even progressive planners usually share with their conservative counterparts the assumption that the state is the sole urban planning agent. This paper outlines that even if the state is sometimes controlled by more or less progressive forces and even influenced by social movements, civil society should be seen as a powerful actor in the conception and implementation of urban planning and management. Drawing on examples from urban social movements in Latin America, in particular favela activism, the sem‐teto movement and participatory budgeting, it explores how civil society can conceive, and even implement, complex, radically alternative socio‐spatial strategies. This can be seen as part of a genuine attempt at ‘grassroots urban planning’.

Metropolitan deconcentration, socio-political fragmentation and extended suburbanisation: Brazilian urbanisation in the 1980s and 1990s

Abstract The aim of this paper is to discuss the phenomena of socio-political fragmentation of urban space, extended suburbanisation and metropolitan deconcentration, which have been important features of Brazilian urbanisation since the 1980s (metropolitan deconcentration partly since the 1970s). At the beginning it profiles the recent evolution of the countrys economy, in order to make sense of the worsening situation in terms of exclusion and violence in big Brazilian cities since the 1980s. Against this background, recent trends both in terms of socio-spatial segregation and social conflict within cities (formation of enclaves dominated by drug trafficking organisations and self-segregation of the elites as a response to this) and in terms of the growing attractiveness of areas outside the biggest metropolises (extended suburbanisation and metropolitan deconcentration) are analysed. The main focus is the socio-political dimension of Brazilian urbanisation in the 1980s and 1990s, which has been undervalued by analysts.

The ‘Arab Spring’ and the city

‘Ein Gespenst geht um in Europa, das Gespenst des Kommunismus’ (‘A spectre is haunting Europe, the spectre of communism’): thus Marx and Engels captured the zeitgeist at the turn of the 20th century, beckoning in the process revolutionary changes and brighter tomorrows for Europes working class. Today, it is as if those very words were being revived—adapted by numerous observers to fit the current socio-political processes in the Arab world. This time around, its the Arab elite being haunted and the spectre is that of democracy. However, is such a depiction remotely accurate?

Social movements in the face of criminal power

In the context of contemporary capitalism, emancipative social movements must resist intimidation not only through official repression by the state apparatus (through police’s brutality and sometimes through military interventions); the illegal, criminal side of capitalism also threatens emancipative struggle. Within this framework, the real and potential role of the ‘hyperprecariat’ (i.e., the workers who depend on—and often were expelled to—the informal sector in semi‐peripheral countries, and who work and live under very vulnerable conditions) is a key one. Criminal attempts to co‐opt, to silence, to neutralize the social force of emancipative social movements have been already a daily experience in several cities and countries. The main trouble for emancipative urban movements is that the ‘enemies’ they have to face inside segregated spaces, and who belong to the ‘hyperprecariat’, do not seem to be—strictly in terms of social class—‘enemies’ at all. ‘Micro‐level warlords’ such as drug traffickers oper...In the context of contemporary capitalism, emancipative social movements must resist intimidation not only through official repression by the state apparatus (through police’s brutality and sometimes through military interventions); the illegal, criminal side of capitalism also threatens emancipative struggle. Within this framework, the real and potential role of the ‘hyperprecariat’ (i.e., the workers who depend on—and often were expelled to—the informal sector in semi‐peripheral countries, and who work and live under very vulnerable conditions) is a key one. Criminal attempts to co‐opt, to silence, to neutralize the social force of emancipative social movements have been already a daily experience in several cities and countries. The main trouble for emancipative urban movements is that the ‘enemies’ they have to face inside segregated spaces, and who belong to the ‘hyperprecariat’, do not seem to be—strictly in terms of social class—‘enemies’ at all. ‘Micro‐level warlords’ such as drug traffickers operating in the sphere of retail sales recruit their ‘soldiers’ (and are themselves recruited) among poor, young people in the shanty towns. Nevertheless, these armed young people frequently intimidate and repress urban activists. Considering this problem, emancipative social movements have to learn to be a countervailing power not only regarding the state apparatus and the legal side of capitalist economy, but also in relation to ordinary criminal forces—which are usually totally adapted to capitalist values, ‘logic’ and patterns of behaviour. The aim of this paper is to discuss the ‘new’ challenges for social movements in the context of what I termed a ‘phobopolis’ – a city whose inhabitants experience a very complex situation of diffuse violence and widespread fear – and considering the role of the ‘hyperprecariat in guns’. The present paper analyses examples primarily from Brazil (Sections 1 and 2), but also from Argentina and South Africa (first part of Section 3), before elaborating the theoretical contributions (in the last part of Section 3).

The Brazilian Way of Conquering the “Right to the City”

The aim of this paper is to discuss and examine some present Brazilian urban planning and management approaches and experiences in urban development which attempt to overcome the dominant “development-as-modernization” view. These approaches and experiences are all either directly (“new master plans”) or indirectly (“participatory budgeting”) related to the idea of an “urban reform.” In the contemporary parlance of Brazilian progressive scholars, “urban reform” possesses a particular meaning: It does not mean just a reshaping of the space, whatever its ideological substance, but a transformation of specific aspects of city life itself in order to attain the goals of social justice and equity. I assume that a significantly positive contribution of alternative urban planning and participatory budgeting from a radically democratic viewpoint is their contribution to a demystification of the planning process, which no longer can be considered as a purely technical matter. At the same time, they can contribute to the moral rehabilitation of urban planning itself as planning can then be understood as something necessary but radically different from technocratic planning—namely as a tool for social justice.The aim of this paper is to discuss and examine some present Brazilian urban planning and management approaches and experiences in urban development which attempt to overcome the dominant “development-as-modernization” view. These approaches and experiences are all either directly (“new master plans”) or indirectly (“participatory budgeting”) related to the idea of an “urban reform.” In the contemporary parlance of Brazilian progressive scholars, “urban reform” possesses a particular meaning: It does not mean just a reshaping of the space, whatever its ideological substance, but a transformation of specific aspects of city life itself in order to attain the goals of social justice and equity. I assume that a significantly positive contribution of alternative urban planning and participatory budgeting from a radically democratic viewpoint is their contribution to a demystification of the planning process, which no longer can be considered as a purely technical matter. At the same time, they can contribute ...

Cities for people, not for profit—from a radical- libertarian and Latin American perspective

This paper offers a brief response to ‘Cities for People, Not for Profit: Introduction’ by Neil Brenner, Peter Marcuse and Margit Mayer, which introduces City’s homonymous special issue. Additionally, very short remarks on a few other papers included in the same special issue are also provided, for the sake of a better clarification of some aspects of my critique. These are made from a political and cultural viewpoint which partly supplements, partly challenges the authors’ Eurocentric and Marxist perspective.This paper offers a brief response to ‘Cities for People, Not for Profit: Introduction’ by Neil Brenner, Peter Marcuse and Margit Mayer, which introduces City’s homonymous special issue. Additionally, very short remarks on a few other papers included in the same special issue are also provided, for the sake of a better clarification of some aspects of my critique. These are made from a political and cultural viewpoint which partly supplements, partly challenges the authors’ Eurocentric and Marxist perspective.

Urban development on the basis of autonomy: A politico‐philosophical and ethical framework for urban planning and management

Urban development is seen in this paper as the process of achieving more social justice in the city through changes both in social relations and in spatiality. Autonomy, in the sense used by Cornelius Castoriadis, is here regarded as the main parameter for the evaluation of processes and strategies for positive social change. Nevertheless, the Castoriadian philosophical notion of autonomy must first be made operational before it can be reasonably applied in empirical research or policy evaluations. The aim of the paper is to contribute to this operationalisation, specifically considering the role of urban planning and management in the realisation of urban development.Urban development is seen in this paper as the process of achieving more social justice in the city through changes both in social relations and in spatiality. Autonomy, in the sense used by Cornelius Castoriadis, is here regarded as the main parameter for the evaluation of processes and strategies for positive social change. Nevertheless, the Castoriadian philosophical notion of autonomy must first be made operational before it can be reasonably applied in empirical research or policy evaluations. The aim of the paper is to contribute to this operationalisation, specifically considering the role of urban planning and management in the realisation of urban development.

Panem et circenses versus the right to the city (centre) in Rio de Janeiro: A short report

P anem et circenses (literally ‘bread and circuses’ or in broader terms ‘bread and games’) is an old Latin expression: in a nutshell, it was the Roman formula for social control and appeasement. In politics, the phrase now refers to attempts to generate public acquiescence and social peace through distraction and diversion, rather than on the basis of efficient public service and satisfaction of basic needs. Many state apparatuses in many countries have used this strategy, but Brazil has been a true master in this regard since the second half of the 20th century. These days, the preparation for, and the expectations in relation to, the Soccer World Cup in Brazil (2014) and the Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro (2016) add a new dimension and a new concrete expression to ‘bread and games’ à brasileira (traditionally translatable as scarcity of bread plus very much soccer). As far as the second part of the title is concerned, I do not intend to be yet another writer who trivialises and abuses the Lefebvrian formula on the ‘right to the city’. In fact, considering the increasing number of politically weak usages of this expression—which has been gradually converted into a vague slogan that is used for the convenience of interests as diverse as those of emancipatory social movements, leftist intellectuals, nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), and even government institutions and international organisations—it is necessary to call for a minimum degree of political and strategic clarity. It must be recalled that for the heterodox Marxist Henri Lefebvre, the ‘right to the city’ could not be reduced to mere specific material gains (more and better infrastructure, social housing and so on) within the capitalist society. The ‘right to the city’ is the right to full and equal enjoyment of the resources concentrated in cities, something which he believed would only be possible in another, non-capitalist society. It is also worth remembering the contributions made by neo-anarchist Murray Bookchin on the theme of ‘urbanisation without cities’. He felt that we have faced an increasing urbanisation which is also, in a seemingly paradoxical way, accompanied by the dissolution of cities in a profound, socio-political sense (Bookchin, 1992). According to him, our big cities and metropolises are spatial entities which are huge and complex, but at the same time more and more devoid of true public life. In such cities, while citizenship in a strong sense declines (as Bookchin also stressed), spectacularisation replaces a genuine and vital political life. Moreover, mega-events like the Soccer World Cup and Olympics are the biggest ‘spectacles’ of our age. In the context of an increasing antithesis between urbanisation and ‘citification’ (a neologism which for Bookchin means the formation of authentic cities, that is to say cities with a vibrant public life), there is a key lesson to be drawn: we cannot abdicate a radical critique of capitalism and our emphasis on the need to overcome it along with the spatiality it generates, otherwise

NGOs and social movements

P ractitioners involved with or working for non-governmental organisations (NGOs) usually believe their activities are supplementary to those developed by social movement activists. Some of them even regard their organisation as somehow being part of a specific movement. In contrast to this position, activists belonging to emancipatory social movements have often (and increasingly) made criticisms against NGOs and what seems to be the ‘structural role’ of NGOs under contemporary capitalism and governmentality. In his contribution to this Forum, though he rejects ‘any simplistic analysis that presents popular movements as automatically emancipatory and NGOs as automatically part of a system of containment’, Richard Pithouse (South African urban activist and philosopher, lecturer at Rhodes University, Grahamstown) nevertheless expresses himself in a clear way, when he says that even if ‘there are reactionary popular movements and there can be self-interested, authoritarian, ethnic or gendered currents in generally emancipatory movements’, and even if there are ‘some NGOs that have thought deeply about their praxis and which do extraordinary work’,

Phobopolis: Violence, Fear and Sociopolitical Fragmentation of the Space in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Against the background of the evolution of Brazil’s economy especially in the last 20 years, this chapter analyses recent trends related to the worsening situation in terms of socio-spatial segregation and social conflict in Rio de Janeiro since the beginning of the 1980s. Sociopolitical fragmentation of the space (constituted above all by the formation of enclaves dominated by drug-trafficking organisations, on the one hand, and self-segregation of the elites in gated communities, on the other hand) and ‘phobopolisation’ (i.e. an urbanisation process which is decisively influenced by increasing fear of crime and violence) are identified as key characteristics of Rio de Janeiro (along with many other big cities) today. What can be done to cope with the new challenges for state and civil society in a city in which violence, lack of public safety and fear have become central features of daily life? It seems that progressive local-level measures and policies can probably only, in the best of all cases, contribute to reducing the problem, rather than eradicating it.