Marie-Josèphe Tainturier

Developmental dyslexia: The visual attention span deficit hypothesis

The visual attention (VA) span is defined as the amount of distinct visual elements which can be processed in parallel in a multi-element array. Both recent empirical data and theoretical accounts suggest that a VA span deficit might contribute to developmental dyslexia, independently of a phonological disorder. In this study, this hypothesis was assessed in two large samples of French and British dyslexic children whose performance was compared to that of chronological-age matched control children. Results of the French study show that the VA span capacities account for a substantial amount of unique variance in reading, as do phonological skills. The British study replicates this finding and further reveals that the contribution of the VA span to reading performance remains even after controlling IQ, verbal fluency, vocabulary and single letter identification skills, in addition to phoneme awareness. In both studies, most dyslexic children exhibit a selective phonological or VA span disorder. Overall, these findings support a multi-factorial view of developmental dyslexia. In many cases, developmental reading disorders do not seem to be due to phonological disorders. We propose that a VA span deficit is a likely alternative underlying cognitive deficit in dyslexia.

The integration of information across lexical and sublexical processes in spelling

We report on a brain-injured subject, LAT, who made phonologically plausible errors in word spelling (e.g., “bouquet” spelled as BOUKET). Although many of his errors are phonologically plausible they contained low-frequency (yet lexically correct) spellings (/ei/ spelled as ET in BOUK ET). Because these errors are phonologically plausible they do not appear to have been generated by the lexical process, yet because they contain low probability, lexically correct elements they do not appear to be have been generated by the sublexical process. We present analyses that specifically support the conclusion that many of LATs phonologically plausible responses to word stimuli consist of the integrated output of elements generated by both the lexical and sublexical processes. This evidence constitutes strong support for the notion that lexical and sublexical processes share information during the course of spelling a familiar word.

Behavioral and ERP evidence for amodal sluggish attentional shifting in developmental dyslexia

The goal of this study was to examine the claim that amodal deficits in attentional shifting may be the source of reading acquisition disorders in phonological developmental dyslexia (sluggish attentional shifting, SAS, theory, Hari & Renvall, 2001). We investigated automatic attentional shifting in the auditory and visual modalities in 13 dyslexic young adults with a phonological awareness deficit and 13 control participants, matched for cognitive abilities, using both behavioral and ERP measures. We tested automatic attentional shifting using a stream segregation task (perception of rapid succession of visual and auditory stimuli as one or two streams). Results of Experiment 1(behavioral) suggested that in order to process two successive stimuli separately dyslexic participants required a significantly longer inter-stimulus interval than controls regardless of sensory modality. In Experiment 2 (ERPs), the same participants were tested by means of an auditory and a visual oddball tasks involving variations in the tempo of the same alternating stimuli as Experiment 1. P3b amplitudes elicited by deviant tempos were differently modulated between groups, supporting predictions made on the basis of observations in Experiment 1. Overall, these results support the hypothesis that SAS in dyslexic participants might be responsible for their atypical perception of rapid sequential stimulus sequences in both the auditory and the visual modalities. Furthermore, these results bring new evidence supporting the link between amodal SAS and the phonological impairment in developmental dyslexia.

Complex graphemes as functional spelling units: Evidence from acquired dysgraphia

The visual word recognition literature suggests that complex graphemes (or digraphs) such as CK function as units. This proposal has also been put forward in recent spelling models (Houghton and Zorzi, 2003) and the study we report on here provides initial empirical support for the claim. We performed detailed analyses of the spelling performance of two brain-damaged individuals with graphemic buffer deficits. Results revealed that (a) FM and BWN made fewer errors on consonant digraphs (e.g., CK) than on matched controls clusters (e.g., CR) and (b) BWN produced more transposition errors on vowel digraphs than on control clusters. These results support the view that digraphs are represented as units in which the relative order of constituent letters is encoded.

Is a single graphemic buffer used in reading and spelling

Background: The graphemic buffer was originally conceived as a component dedicated to the temporary storage of abstract orthographic representations prior to their format-specific expression in spelling (Caramazza, Miceli, Villa, & Romani, 1987). Since then, it has been argued that the graphemic buffer is also involved in reading (Caramazza, Capasso, & Miceli, 1996). Aims: The goal of this study was to test the hypothesis that a single graphemic buffer is used in reading and spelling. In addition, we examined the hypothesis that, under normal reading circumstances, words and pseudowords place different demands on the graphemic buffer because of differences in the degree to which they can be processed globally. Methods & Procedures: We performed detailed analyses of the reading and spelling performance of MC who presented with dyslexia (restricted to pseudowords) and dysgraphia following resection of a left parietal lobe tumour. Additionally, we compared the effect of presentation format (standard print, mirror reversed, and orally spelled stimuli) on word and pseudoword naming. Outcomes & Results: First, MCs spelling impairment showed all the characteristics of a graphemic buffer deficit. Second, MCs spelling of words and pseudowords as well as his reading of pseudowords were remarkably similar, both quantitatively and qualitatively (quasi-identical distribution of errors, length effect, and error position curves). Third, MCs reading of words (but not pseudowords) was disrupted under conditions that interfered with global (i.e., whole-word) processing. Conclusions: This study supports the claim that a single graphemic buffer is used in reading and spelling. It also suggests that reading nonwords places greater demands on the graphemic buffer than reading words.

Age of acquisition modulates the amplitude of the P300 component in spoken word recognition

Words acquired earlier in life are easier to process in adulthood than words acquired later; this is known as the age of acquisition (AoA) effect. The goal of this study was to establish whether the P300 component of event-related potentials (ERPs) is sensitive to AoA. Early-acquired words (12.5%), late-acquired words (12.5%) and pseudo-words (75%) were presented in an auditory lexical decision task. The two sets of words were matched for length, word type, concreteness, imageability and, crucially, word frequency. Early-acquired words were recognised faster and more accurately than late-acquired words. In addition, AoA modulated ERP activity in centroparietal electrode sites, with early-acquired words eliciting a larger positivity (P300) than late-acquired words. This is the first study to demonstrate an ERP correlate of AoA effects. An important implication of our findings is that AoA may need to be controlled in ERP studies of lexical processing, especially in designs in which it is likely to be a confound (e.g., studies of lexical category effects).

Inflectional spelling deficits in developmental dyslexia.

The goal of this study was to examine past-tense spelling deficits in developmental dyslexia and their relationship to phonological abilities, spoken morphological awareness and word specific orthographic memory. Three groups of children (28 9-year-old dyslexic, 28 chronological age-matched and 28 reading/spelling age-matched children) completed a battery of tests including spelling regularly inflected words (e.g., kissed) and matched one-morpheme words (e.g., wrist). They were also assessed on a range of tests of reading and spelling abilities and associated linguistic measures. Dyslexic children were impaired in relation to chronological age-matched controls on all measures. Furthermore, they were significantly poorer than younger reading and spelling age-matched controls at spelling inflected verbs, supporting the existence of a specific deficit in past-tense spelling in dyslexia. In addition to under-using the -ed spelling on inflected verbs, the dyslexic children were less likely to erroneously apply this spelling to one-morpheme words than younger controls. Dyslexics were also poorer than younger controls at using a consistent spelling for stems presented in isolation versus as part of an inflected word, indicating that they make less use of the morphological relations between words to support their spelling. In line with this interpretation, regression analyses revealed another qualitative difference between the spelling and reading age-matched group and the dyslexic group: while both spoken morphological awareness and orthographic word specific memory were significant predictors of the accuracy of past-tense spelling in the former group, only orthographic memory (irregular word reading and spelling) was a significant factor in the dyslexic group. Finally, we identified a subgroup of seven dyslexic children who were severely deficient in past-tense spelling. This subgroup was also significantly worse than other dyslexics and than younger controls on scores of orthographic memory. The implications of our findings for teaching and remediation strategies are discussed.

Orthographic transparency modulates the grain size of orthographic processing: Behavioral and ERP evidence from bilingualism

Grapheme-to-phoneme mapping regularity is thought to determine the grain size of orthographic information extracted whilst encoding letter strings. Here we tested whether learning to read in two languages differing in their orthographic transparency yields different strategies used for encoding letter-strings as compared to learning to read in one (opaque) language only. Sixteen English monolingual and 16 early Welsh-English bilingual readers undergoing event-related brain potentials (ERPs) recordings were asked to report whether or not a target letter displayed at fixation was present in either a nonword (consonant string) or an English word presented immediately before. Bilinguals and monolinguals showed similar behavioural performance on target detection presented in words and nonwords, suggesting similar orthographic encoding in the two groups. By contrast, the amplitude of ERPs locked to the target letters (P3b, 340-570 ms post target onset, and a late frontal positive component 600-1,000 ms post target onset) were differently modulated by the position of the target letter in words and nonwords between bilinguals and monolinguals. P3b results show that bilinguals who learnt to read simultaneously in an opaque and a transparent orthographies encoded orthographic information presented to the right of fixation more poorly than monolinguals. On the opposite, only monolinguals exhibited a position effect on the late positive component for both words and nonwords, interpreted as a sign of better re-evaluation of their responses. The present study shed light on how orthographic transparency constrains grain size and visual strategies underlying letter-string encoding, and how those constraints are influenced by bilingualism.

Lexical neighborhood effects in pseudoword spelling

The general aim of this study is to contribute to a better understanding of the cognitive processes that underpin skilled adult spelling. More specifically, it investigates the influence of lexical neighbors on pseudo-word spelling with the goal of providing a more detailed account of the interaction between lexical and sublexical sources of knowledge in spelling. In prior research examining this topic, adult participants typically heard lists composed of both words and pseudo-words and had to make a lexical decision to each stimulus before writing the pseudo-words. However, these priming paradigms are susceptible to strategic influence and may therefore not give a clear picture of the processes normally engaged in spelling unfamiliar words. In our two Experiments involving 71 French-speaking literate adults, only pseudo-words were presented which participants were simply requested to write to dictation using the first spelling that came to mind. Unbeknownst to participants, pseudo-words varied according to whether they did or did not have a phonological word neighbor. Results revealed that low-probability phoneme/grapheme mappings (e.g., /o/ -> aud in French) were used significantly more often in spelling pseudo-words with a close phonological lexical neighbor with that spelling (e.g., /krepo/ derived from “crapaud,” /krapo/) than in spelling pseudo-words with no close neighbors (e.g., /frøpo/). In addition, the strength of this lexical influence increased with the lexical frequency of the word neighbors as well as with their degree of phonetic overlap with the pseudo-word targets. These results indicate that information from lexical and sublexical processes is integrated in the course of spelling, and a specific theoretical account as to how such integration may occur is introduced.

On the importance of considering individual profiles when investigating the role of auditory sequential deficits in developmental dyslexia

The goal of this study was to gain a better understanding of the relationship between non-verbal auditory disorders and developmental dyslexia. This question has led to conflicting results in the literature, which we argued might be due to a failure to consider the heterogeneity of dyslexic profiles. This study included three groups of adult participants: unimpaired readers and dyslexic readers with or without a phonological deficit. Auditory temporal processing deficits, as measured by stream segregation thresholds, were present in most dyslexic participants with phonological disorders. In contrast, most dyslexic participants with preserved phonological skills had normal auditory stream segregation thresholds. Overall, the present study leads to a better understanding of the relationship between phonological and sequential auditory processing disorders in developmental dyslexia. In addition, it demonstrates for the first time the importance of considering the heterogeneity of individual cognitive profiles when investigating the role of auditory deficits in developmental dyslexia.