Marina Larkina

It’s all about location, location, location: Children’s memory for the “where” of personally experienced events

Episodic memory is defined as the ability to recall specific past events located in a particular time and place. Over the preschool and into the school years, there are clear developmental changes in memory for when events took place. In contrast, little is known about developmental changes in memory for where events were experienced. In the current research, we tested 4-, 6-, and 8-year-old childrens memories for specific laboratory events, each of which was experienced in a unique location. We also tested the childrens memories for the conjunction of the events and their locations. Age-related differences were observed in all three types of memory (event, location, and conjunction of event and location), with the most pronounced differences being in memory for conjunctions of events and their locations. The results have implications for our understanding of the development of episodic memory, including suggestions of protracted development of the ability to contextualize events in their spatial locations.

Childhood amnesia in the making: different distributions of autobiographical memories in children and adults.

Within the memory literature, a robust finding is of childhood amnesia: a relative paucity among adults for autobiographical or personal memories from the first 3 to 4 years of life, and from the first 7 years, a smaller number of memories than would be expected based on normal forgetting. Childhood amnesia is observed in spite of strong evidence that during the period eventually obscured by the amnesia, children construct and preserve autobiographical memories. Why early memories seemingly are lost to recollection is an unanswered question. In the present research, we examined the issue by using the cue word technique to chart the distributions of autobiographical memories in samples of children ages 7 to 11 years and samples of young and middle-aged adults. Among adults, the distributions were best fit by the power function, whereas among children, the exponential function provided a better fit to the distributions of memories. The findings suggest that a major source of childhood amnesia is a constant rate of forgetting in childhood, seemingly resulting from failed consolidation, the outcome of which is a smaller pool of memories available for later retrieval.

The onset of childhood amnesia in childhood: A prospective investigation of the course and determinants of forgetting of early-life events

The present research was an examination of the onset of childhood amnesia and how it relates to maternal narrative style, an important determinant of autobiographical memory development. Children and their mothers discussed unique events when the children were 3 years of age. Different subgroups of children were tested for recall of the events at ages 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 years. At the later session they were interviewed by an experimenter about the events discussed 2 to 6 years previously with their mothers (early-life events). Children aged 5, 6, and 7 remembered 60% or more of the early-life events. In contrast, children aged 8 and 9 years remembered fewer than 40% of the early-life events. Overall maternal narrative style predicted childrens contributions to mother–child conversations at age 3 years; it did not have cross-lagged relations to memory for early-life events at ages 5 to 9 years. Maternal deflections of the conversational turn to the child predicted the amount of information children later reported about the early-life events. The findings have implications for our understanding of the onset of childhood amnesia and the achievement of an adult-like distribution of memories in the school years. They highlight the importance of forgetting processes in explanations of the amnesia.

Young Children's Memory for the Times of Personal Past Events

Remembering the temporal information associated with personal past events is critical for autobiographical memory, yet we know relatively little about the development of this capacity. In the present research, we investigated temporal memory for naturally occurring personal events in 4-, 6-, and 8-year-old children. Parents recorded unique events in which their children participated during a 4-month period. At test, children made relative recency judgments and estimated the time of each event using conventional time scales (time of day, day of week, month of year, and season). Children also were asked to provide justifications for their time-scale judgments. Six- and 8-year-olds, but not 4-year-olds, accurately judged the order of two distinct events. There were age-related improvements in childrens estimation of the time of events using conventional time scales. Older children provided more justifications for their time-scale judgments compared with younger children. Relations between correct responding on the time-scale judgments and provision of meaningful justifications suggest that children may use that information to reconstruct the times associated with past events. The findings can be used to chart a developmental trajectory of performance in temporal memory for personal past events and have implications for our understanding of autobiographical memory development.

Maternal provision of structure in a deliberate memory task in relation to their preschool children’s recall

Strategic remembering emerges gradually during the preschool years. Socialization practices, specifically mother-child social interactions, might provide the foundation for the development of skills necessary for effective organization of information in memory. In the current study, 48 mothers and their 40-month-olds were engaged in the process of remembering (i.e., study and recall) categorically related picture stimuli in a laboratory context. Childrens recall was reliably predicted by the way in which mothers structured both the study and recall periods of the deliberate memory task. Specifically, maternal verbal and physical behaviors that focused on organization of items, such as sorting items into distinct groups and providing the name of a category, were most beneficial in supporting childrens memory. Moreover, some mothers employed a number of different mnemonic techniques that emphasized categorical connections among items, suggesting systematic approaches in the manner in which mothers help children to learn effective ways of remembering.

Explaining variance in long-term recall in 3- and 4-year-old children: The importance of post-encoding processes

Long-term recall is influenced by what originally was encoded as well as by the efficacy of retrieval processes. The possible explanatory role of post-encoding processes by which initially labile memory traces are stabilized and integrated into long-term memory (i.e., consolidated) has received relatively less research attention. In the current research, we examined 3- and 4-year-old childrens recall of multi-step event sequences immediately after seeing them modeled as a measure of encoding, 1 week later as a measure of the status of the memory trace post-encoding, and 1 month later as an assessment of long-term recall. We tested recall of events with three different levels of internal structure and with three different levels of support for retrieval. Measures of the post-encoding status of the memory trace explained significant variance in long-term recall when they were the sole predictors of performance, and they contributed unique variance in long-term recall even after accounting for the variance associated with encoding. The results imply that a complete explanation of forgetting during childhood must include not only roles for encoding and retrieval processes but also roles for post-encoding processes.

Declarative memory in abused and neglected infants.

To summarize, all children interacted with the experimenter and actively participated in the imitation task. There was evidence of improvement in performance from baseline to recall as would be expected with attention to, and memory for, the actions that were modeled by the experimenter. All participants evidenced a decrease in performance as the difficulty of the task increased, as would be expected. When the maltreated children were compared to the nonmaltreated children in a 2-group design, there was no statistically significant difference in performance. However, when the maltreated group was divided into two subtypes of either neglected or abused, and performance was compared in a 3-group design, it was revealed that the neglected children experienced deficits in performance relative to abused children. For production of target actions, the neglected childrens performance trended toward significance when compared to the nonmaltreated childrens performance. However, there was no significant difference between the performance of the abused children and the nonmaltreated children for either production of target actions or productions of ordered pairs. The children in this longitudinal study were assessed previously at 12 months of age in a mother-child play situation (Valentino et al., 2006). Interactions during structured play between mother and child were evaluated for maternal directives and child responses. Interestingly, the difference in social interactions that was most reliable was the finding that the abused children imitated their mothers more often than did the nonmaltreated children. There was no difference between the imitative behaviors of the neglected children and the abused or nonmaltreated children. The researchers note that by imitating their mothers, the abused children might be attempting to prevent further abusive incidents. Limit setting behaviors of the mothers in response to child initiations were positively related to the childrens imitative behaviors. Thus, it would appear that maternal negative feedback to child-initiated behaviors is related to an increase in imitative behaviors that are most likely met with positive reinforcement. The continued pursuit of this positivity may impede the development of self-initiated behaviors; delayed development of self-initiated behavior has been linked to disorders of social competence (Landry, Smith, Miller-Loncar, & Swank, 1998). However, imitation has long been known to be a mechanism of learning (Piaget, 1962) and has become an accepted tool for assessment of declarative memory (Bauer, 2004). Whereas the adaptation to abuse posited by Valentino et al. (2006) may be detrimental to social development, our data for this same sample indicate that the reliance on imitative behavior exhibited by the abused children may afford them an advantage at 21 months of age in imitation paradigms. The neglected children are thus at a disadvantage relative to the abused children in the study reported here in that they were not reinforced by mothers for imitative behavior. It is important to note that all children in this sample were from low-income homes. Scores on these events for both target actions and ordered pairs are higher in samples of higher SES children (e.g., Bauer et al., 2000). Thus, the low SES of the families affected performance across the groups. It is possible that the factor responsible for the difference between the abused group and the neglected group is resilience in the face of poverty. Resilience is the ability to recover following a traumatic event or adversity (Masten, 2001), and has been related to child characteristics, such as general intelligence (Masten et al., 1988). It has been proposed that neural plasticity may be responsible for this recovery (Cicchetti & Curtis, 2006). Alternatively, as has been detailed earlier in this chapter, the advantage afforded abused children could arise from the strengthening of neural pathways. It would be adaptive to develop exceptional event memory so as to avoid the events that lead to abuse. Mechanisms of plasticity are responsible for the laying down of memories (Aimone, Wiles, & Gage, 2006). Thus, the higher performance seen in the abused group could be related to a preservation of brain plasticity that facilitates resilience in the face of poverty, stress, and/or trauma. Plasticity in the brains of the neglected children may be lost due to the lack of stimulation, leaving them more vulnerable to the stress of poverty and neglect. In conclusion, maltreated children have often been studied as a single group. However, it is becoming clear from research conducted by our group and others that the subtypes of maltreatment may have different developmental sequelae. It is important that we understand the differential pathways involved in the development of abused versus neglected children. As discussed in other chapters of this volume, the imitation paradigm has emerged as a valuable tool in the identification of at-risk infants and toddlers. With the data reported here, it is evident that data from the elicited imitation procedure utilized herein differentiates between the subtypes of maltreatment. Research must be conducted to further elucidate the correlates of resilience in toddlers who have been abused. A longitudinal investigation would enable investigation of the questions of continuity of the observed increase in imitative behavior and whether increased imitation has a detrimental social effect while exerting a bolstering cognitive effect.

“Family Stories” and Their Implications for Preschoolers’ Memories of Personal Events

Most adults experience childhood amnesia: They have very few memories of events prior to 3 to 4 years of age. Nevertheless, some early memories are retained. Multiple factors likely are responsible for the survival of early childhood memories, including external representations such as videos, photographs, and conversations about past experiences, which help sustain memories over time. The present research was an experimental test of whether repeated recounting of past events influences young childrens recall during a year delay. Twenty-four mothers and their 4-year-old children talked repeatedly about two randomly selected personal events that were assigned to become family-story events. Mothers were asked not to initiate conversations about two other randomly selected events (control events). A year later, children were interviewed by an experimenter about all four events. In free recall, children retrieved more of the family-story than the control events. With the aid of Wh- questions, levels of retrieval no longer differed. Moreover, the completeness and organization of childrens narratives did not depend on whether they were about family-story or control events. The pattern of results suggests that repeated conversations about a past event help to maintain accessibility of the memory but may not substantially impact the integrity of the memory trace itself. The role of family stories in childrens social and autobiographical memory development is discussed.

Predicting remembering and forgetting of autobiographical memories in children and adults: a 4-year prospective study

ABSTRACT Preservation and loss to forgetting of autobiographical memories is a focus in both the adult and developmental literatures. In both, there are comparative arguments regarding rates of forgetting. Children are assumed to forget autobiographical memories more rapidly than adults, and younger children are assumed to forget more rapidly than older children. Yet few studies can directly inform these comparisons: few feature children and adults, and few prospectively track the survival of specific autobiographical memories over time. In a 4-year prospective study, we obtained autobiographical memories from children 4, 6, and 8 years, and adults. We tested recall of different subsets of the events after 1, 2, and 3 years. Accelerated rates of forgetting were apparent among all child groups relative to adults; within the child groups, 4- and 6-year-olds had accelerated forgetting relative to 8-year-olds. The differences were especially pronounced in open-ended recall. The thematic coherence of initial memory reports also was a significant predictor of the survival of specific memories. The pattern of findings is consistent with suggestions that the adult distribution of autobiographical memories is achieved as the quality of memory traces increases (here measured by thematic coherence) and the rate of forgetting decreases.

Memory Strategies and Retrieval Success in Preschool Children: Relations to Maternal Behavior Over Time

We examined how maternal strategic behaviors during a mother–child collaborative sort-recall task of categorically similar items related to childrens recall and childrens strategic behavior in a sort-recall task that they completed independently. Mother–child dyads participated in the collaborative sort-recall task when children were 40 months and 52 months of age; children completed the individual sort-recall task at one time point only when they were 52 months old. We found relations both concurrently and longitudinally between maternal behavior, child behavior, and child recall. The pattern of findings indicates that there are differences among mothers in how they use memory strategies with their children and that these differences are related to childrens recall and their own employment of strategies over time. The results highlight the importance of examining the development of deliberate and strategic remembering in social context.