Marko Polič

THE LOVE OF MONEY IS THE ROOT OF ALL EVIL: PAY SATISFACTION AND CPI AS MODERATORS

By incorporating pay satisfaction at Level 1 and Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) at Level 2, we investigated the relationship between the love of money and self-reported corrupt intent among 6,382 managers in 31 geopolitical entities across six continents. Our significant cross-level three-way interaction effect showed that for managers with high pay satisfaction, the intensity (slope) of the love of money to corrupt intent relationship was almost identical in high or low CPI entities but the former had the lowest magnitude of corrupt intent, whereas the latter had the highest. For those with low pay satisfaction, the slope was the steepest in high CPI entities, but was flat in the low CPI entities and the difference between the two was significant.

Monetary Intelligence and Behavioral Economics Across 32 Cultures: Good Apples Enjoy Good Quality of Life in Good Barrels

Abstract Monetary Intelligence theory asserts that individuals apply their money attitude to frame critical concerns in the context and strategically select certain options to achieve financial goals and ultimate happiness. This study explores the bright side of Monetary Intelligence and behavioral economics, frames money attitude in the context of pay and life satisfaction, and controls money at the macro-level (GDP per capita) and micro-level (Z income). We theorize: Managers with low love of money motive but high stewardship behavior will have high subjective well-being: pay satisfaction and quality of life. Data collected from 6586 managers in 32 cultures across six continents support our theory. Interestingly, GDP per capita is related to life satisfaction, but not to pay satisfaction. Individual income is related to both life and pay satisfaction. Neither GDP nor income is related to Happiness (money makes people happy). Our theoretical model across three GDP groups offers new discoveries: In high GDP (rich) entities, “high income” not only reduces aspirations—“Rich, Motivator, and Power,” but also promotes stewardship behavior—“Budget, Give/Donate, and Contribute” and appreciation of “Achievement.” After controlling income, we demonstrate the bright side of Monetary Intelligence: Low love of money motive but high stewardship behavior define Monetary Intelligence. “Good apples enjoy good quality of life in good barrels.” This notion adds another explanation to managers’ low magnitude of dishonesty in entities with high Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) (risk aversion for gains of high probability) (Tang et al. 2015. doi:10.1007/s10551-015-2942-4). In low GDP (poor) entities, high income is related to poor Budgeting skills and escalated Happiness. These managers experience equal satisfaction with pay and life. We add a new vocabulary to the conversation of monetary intelligence, income, GDP, happiness, subjective well-being, good and bad apples and barrels, corruption, and behavioral ethics.

A cognitive map of Slovenia: Perceptions of the regions

Cognitive maps present an important theoretical concept and methodological tool for the acquirement of insight into the mental image of the environment. Part of the study, conducted in 1999–2000 on a representative sample of the inhabitants of Slovenia (N  =  1291), is presented in this paper, namely the part devoted to the perception of regions. Participants were questioned about different aspects of their image of Slovenia, including their preferences for residence in different parts of Slovenia, partition of the country into regions, travelling patterns, environmental problems and solutions, possibilities of development, etc. Cognitive maps appeared as highly selective, with certain general similarities, but also with individual idiosyncrasies, depending on the place of living and other demographic characteristics. Though respondents were not highly devoted to the formation of regions, a rather clear mental image of them appeared. Main findings are discussed and applicability of the cognitive map for p...

Yugoslavian children in a situation of rapid economic changes

Abstract The object of this research was to examine the economic socialization of Yugoslavian children in a time of rapid economic and political changes. The analysis of the interviews showed that the level of knowledge of complex economic problems was rather limited, perhaps because the interview was oriented toward aspects of the economy which are not common in the Yugoslavian economic system. The level of economic understanding increased with age. While the knowledge of the youngest group was at a very concrete level, the older children gave a greater variety of more complex answers. Answers of all groups, especially those of the older ones, clearly reflect certain aspects, such as inflation, of the current economic conditions. In principle, the answers reveal the same characteristics of the economic socialization as reported by other authors.

Definitions of Peace and Reconciliation in Russia and the Balkans

This chapter discusses definitions of peace and reconciliation in a sample of respondents from three Balkan states and Russia. Distinctions between a positive and negative peace were considered, as well as peace building and reconciliation as processes of seeking genuine, just, and enduring ends to a conflict. The national context for peace and reconciliation in the region was discussed along with consideration of the region’s historical stigmatization. A strong inclination toward positive peace and a belief that it could be achieved through a demanding process were expressed by respondents in all four countries. Exploratory analyses revealed group differences in definitions based on gender, military service history, and engagement in peace protests; for example, women were more likely than men to give positive peace definitions, while men were more likely than women and non-protestors were more likely than protestors to question the achievability of peace. The majority of respondents defined reconciliation as a process, although there were again some demographic group differences in definitions. For example, women were more likely than men to give process definitions, and respondents with military service history were more likely than nonmilitary respondents to question the achievability of reconciliation. Awareness that a number of acts are necessary to achieve reconciliation (and therefore peace) is present, perhaps stemming from historical and current experiences of participants. Lack of future orientation in the answers of respondents could be concerning.

Views of National Security in Balkan and Russia

Maintaining the existence and interests of a nation state and the safety of its citizens through different means (e.g., economic, military, political, cultural, and diplomatic) is what national security means (Lasso and Gonzalez 1993). National security in the Balkans and Russia has been often jeopardized for a variety of reasons, both internal and external to the region. At first glance, there would appear to be little in the way of shared national security concerns among Greece, Serbia, Slovenia, and Russia, the countries in which the data for this chapter were gathered, and which spread over a great part of Europe and Asia. These four states differ on a number of dimensions (e.g., size, economy, history, culture); on the other hand, struggles over independence and borders have made security an enduring issue in the region.

Perspectives on Protest in Russia and the Balkan Peninsula

This chapter explores perspectives of ordinary people from Greece, Russia, Serbia, and Slovenia on the individual’s right to protest against war and in favor of peace, as well as different kinds of personal agency displayed in qualitative responses to a scenario in which police are described as beating peaceful protesters. Adopting Bronfenbrenner’s ecological approach, we first overview these countries’ recent history of conflict within and around their borders and their protests experiences as parts of the macrosystems in which views concerning the right to protest were shaped. Then, we examine patterns of responses to the right protest and to the police beating scenario using coding manuals informed by Bandura’s theory of moral disengagement and his notion of agency. We also investigate several contextual factors from the different ecological levels to see if they contributed to differences in perspectives. Greeks, Russians, Serbians, and Slovenians provided responses that their great majority supported the right to protest and expressed prosocial agency in the view of aggression. Implications and limitations of the study are also discussed.

Perspectives on Apology and Reconciliation in Russia and the Balkan States

This chapter discusses perceptions of apology and its role in reconciliation in a sample of respondents from three Balkan states and Russia. Sociopsychological perspectives on apology and national contexts for apology and reconciliation in the region are presented. The countries under consideration can be seen as having participated in double roles—as victim or as perpetrator or both—in different historical periods. A sample of 466 participants from Greece, Russia, Slovenia, and Serbia provided qualitative responses to items concerning apology and reconciliation from the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS). The majority of responses (59 %) to the apology item indicated beliefs that the likelihood of an apology leading to reconciliation depends on the situation. Exploratory chi-square analyses revealed differences in responding based on gender, engagement in peace protests, and military experience. For example, more peace protestors than non-protestors indicated that recognition of wrongdoing can improve the possibility for reconciliation, and those not being in military and women in a greater degree believe that apology can lead to reconciliation. The majority of responses (90 %) indicated that reconciliation is achievable through various steps.

Achieving World Peace: Views from Russia, Serbia, Slovenia, and Greece

This chapter deals with perception of ordinary citizens from Russia, Serbia, Slovenia, and Greece regarding the possibilities or elusiveness of achieving world peace. Despite important differences among these states, there are also many interconnections, mainly among dyads and triads of the four: Slavic group of people, Orthodox Christianity, similar languages, and enough similarities to justify common analysis. The sample consisted of 440 participants, aged from 18–82; 59 % are women. They were asked to signify their level of agreement with the item “I believe world peace can be achieved” and then to explain the answer. They also completed the statement “The best way to achieve peace is….” Bandura’s theory of moral engagement provided the framework for the coding manual. Analyses of coded responses were conducted to determine the relative distribution of responses within the coding categories, and some exploratory statistical tests were run to see if there were differences in frequencies of responses based on demographic groups. Despite differences among the countries in level of development, political culture, and current politics, the great majority of answers in all subsamples showed a clear propensity among the ordinary people of the region to argue in favor of world peace. The hope is that the results will not serve as information for the mighty who will find to which level they can oppress others in order to obtain dominance (euphemistically: “national interest”).Rather, it is hoped that the results will contribute to the optimism of ordinary people, regardless of their social system and geographical meridian, regarding a broad commitment to achieve world peace as an ultimate goal of humankind.

Perspectives on Torture in Russia and the Balkan Peninsula

The people of Europe have experienced a long history of war over sovereignty, resources, and ideas. Typically, the major powers have fought for more power and more land, while the smaller countries have fought for their independence. Over the past millennia, these long and violent wars have had devastating consequences for the general populations of the warring nations. Some view torture as an ancient evil of European history that, today, is often justified from a utilitarian standpoint (Glass 1996; Samaha 1979). The violent historical experiences of these nations could help explain the current views on torture amongst the Europeans (Hodgson 2006).