Martin Holland
University of Canterbury
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Journal of European Integration | 2008
Martin Holland
Abstract At the turn of the twenty‐first century the international community began to construct a new agenda to address growing global inequalities. The European Union has been a core partner in this movement, which has involved the UN, the World Bank, the IMF, the G8 as well as international activists, such as Bob Geldhof and Bono and the “Make Poverty History” campaign. This article examines the EU’s connection to this wider global governance development agenda, particularly in relation to the UN’s Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), Africa, Official Development Assistance, debt reduction and untied aid. It explores the link between EU development policy and that of the international community and questions whether the impact is enhanced by complementarity or reduced due to duplication and competition.
Mobilities | 2011
Allan M. Williams; Natalia Chaban; Martin Holland
Abstract Migrants’ social relations are reconfigured in relation to how the localised and distanciated are recombined in context of how individuals are embedded in the enfolded mobilities of increasingly mobile social networks. The paper is organized around three main propositions. First, that social relations are structured across three main and intersecting domains – family, workplace and community. Second, that social relations and networks are shaped by, and shape, the relational nature of places. Third, that the relational nature of places, and the reconfiguration of localised and distanciated relationships should be analysed across the entire migration cycle. These ideas are explored through a study of the Big OE from New Zealand to the UK, based on in‐depth interviews with returned migrants.
Journal of Modern African Studies | 1995
Martin Holland
These comments by South Africas Minister for Trade and Industry, Trevor Manuel, were made in November 1994 in a speech to the African-Caribbean-Pacific (ACP)—European Union (EU) ministerial meeting in Brussels. Words, of course, can be interpreted in various ways. Contrary to the seeming clarity of Manuels request, the underlying sub-texts illustrated both the past prevarication of the South African Government and the continuing uncertainty on the part of the EU as to the appropriate shape of a new long-term relationship.
Archive | 1999
Martin Holland
Traditional analyses of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) fall into three distinct groups: institutional and historically descriptive accounts; theoretical approaches; and specific case studies. The organizing principle behind this chapter avoids this compartmentalization. Seven key CFSP questions are presented that link both empirical and theoretical issues and provide a basis for further analysis. These questions are: Who makes EU foreign policy? Why is there an EU foreign policy? How is it expressed? What are the constraints? What is the record? What are the prospects? Does foreign policy matter?
Journal of European Integration | 2011
Martin Holland; Natalia Chaban
Abstract The Pacific is a major recipient of EU assistance under the Cotonou Agreement and target for EU development actions (including the reinforcement of democracy and human rights). Positioning its inquiry within the diffusion theory, this study focuses on one of the Union’s ‘normative’ profiles communicated externally, namely the EU’s international performance as a promoter of democracy, rule of law and human rights. This paper considers a particular case study, namely the EU’s metaphorical imagery in media discourses in Fiji, a South Pacific state experiencing an ongoing democratic crisis. These external media framings of the EU are then compared with the auto-images the Union has about itself when interacting with the Pacific. The conclusions indicated a mismatch in external and internal EU imagery potentially ripe with miscommunication and counterproductive for EU–Pacific relations in general (and EU–Fiji relations in particular).
Archive | 2015
Natalia Chaban; Serena Kelly; Martin Holland
The study argues that a key aspect of the productive dialogue between the sender and receiver of norms and values is the cultural filter, represented in this analysis through a continuum of perceptions. Specifically, this chapter is interested in the reception of what is arguably one of the European Union’s (EU) most successful norms—regional integration. By investigating images of the EU as a model of (or at least a reference for) regional integration in the Asia-Pacific, this chapter notes potential factors shaping perceptions and proposes a multi-level understanding of those factors and how they may affect the reception of normative messages sent by the EU. This chapter explores external public perceptions of the EU using data derived from public opinion survey (10,000 respondents) conducted in 2012 in ten Asia-Pacific countries contrasting these findings with surveys conducted in those countries pre-2012. Tracing the dynamics of the spontaneous images of the EU as a global referent for regional integration, this analysis offers unique comparative longitudinal insights into the international norm diffusion of the EU.
Archive | 2014
Natalia Chaban; Martin Holland
The prolonged and ongoing series of European Union (EU) economic crises would appear to suggest that much of the research on EU politics and foreign policy is in urgent need of revision. This is particularly so regarding the external images of the EU. An understanding of changing perceptions may ‘contribute in important ways to understandings, expectations and practices relating to the EU as a global actor’ (Bretherton and Vogler, 2005, p. 43). It constitutes an important indicator for assessing if and how the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis has had a discernible impact on the EU’s influence on the rest of the world — either close or far away from its borders. It is also a ‘reality check’ for the EU’s own vision of its role as an international leader as well as of its status as a recognized power in an increasingly multipolar world. These two elements are linked as the EU’s external image influences its self-image and thus the EU’s behaviour as a global and regional actor. The EU’s external images then become important indicators of how good intentions have been translated into observable actions (Rhodes, 1999). They also serve as sources of knowledge about European identity and the effectiveness of European common foreign policy. In sum, external views of the EU partly shape the EU’s international identity and roles (Elgstrom and Smith, 2006), while the EU’s institutional and policy reality is, in part, shaped in response to Others’ expectations and reactions (Herrberg, 1997).
Baltic Journal of European Studies | 2013
Natalia Chaban; Martin Holland
Abstract This paper outlines the importance of the studies of EU external perceptions in the Asia-Pacific region in the times of global multipolar redesign and an ongoing eurozone sovereign debt crisis. It links understanding of the concepts of EU external images and EU international ‘branding’ to the conduct of the EU’s foreign policy. The paper also details the methodology of the transnational comparative research project ‘The EU in the Eyes of Asia Pacific’ which informs all contributions to this Issue. The paper then presents those contributions which explore EU external perceptions in nine Asia-Pacific locations, members of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) process: China, Japan, South Korea, India, Singapore, Thailand, Australia, New Zealand, and Russia.
Journal of Modern African Studies | 1988
Martin Holland
IN I977 the. member-states of the European Community (E.C.) adopted a collective strategy designed to end apartheid and to encourage the economic independence of South Africas less-developed neighbours.1 The respective foreign-policy instruments used to achieve these goals were the Code of Conduct and the Lome Convention, through which assistance was provided for the Frontline states. The scope of the Communitys Southern African actions was enlarged in 1985 to include a range of sanctions against Pretoria similar to those adopted by other governments. Critical commentary on Community policy has focused largely on the restrictive measures introduced since 1985; in particular, the embargoes placed on imports of iron and steel, as well as Krugerrand coins, from South Africa; the withdrawal of military attaches; the ban on sensitive and para-military goods; and the cessation of new investments.2 Less attention has been directed towards the regional initiatives that have gone hand in hand with the punitive actions. This article helps to redress this imbalance by tracing the regional aspects of the E.C.s South African policy, and by providing the first examination of the positive measures adopted in I986 designed to assist the disadvantaged peoples of Southern Africa.
British Journal of Political Science | 1987
Martin Holland
Research into the recruitment process within British political parties has tended to focus on either the institutional machinery of selection or the socio-economic characteristics of candidates. The analysis of non-selected aspirants has been ignored and those hypotheses that do exist remain empirically untested. In this article data on the Labour partys recruitment process for the 1979 direct elections to the European Parliament are used to test a research strategy. A major finding is that significant differences exist between selected and non-selected aspirants which may reflect gate-keeping criteria. In particular, pro- or anti-EEC attitudes were found to be a dominant recruitment factor.