Martin Stuart-Fox

The political culture of corruption in the Lao PDR

Transparency International (TI) defines corruption as “the misuse of entrusted power for private benefit” (Transparency International, 2000, p. 1). The potential for corruption thus exists wherever power is entrusted; that is, in any government, organisation or institution, and on the part of any official working at any level. Corruption may be exercised for personal benefit, or for the benefit of family, friends or business partners. Thus, as TI points out, corruption frequently occurs through “non-compliance with the ‘arm’s-length’ principle” in respect to such relationships. Concern about corruption focuses on a number of undesirable consequences. These include: reduction in revenue to government, which reduces its ability to fund services for citizens; reduction in efficiency of government and administration; reduction of economic competitiveness due to additional costs for business; discouragement of investment resulting in lower levels of growth; and undermining of the legitimacy of government or ruling parties. These are sufficiently serious for all but the most coercive or wilful governments to want to keep corruption within some bounds. The government of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (LPDR) is no exception. The problem of corruption is aired from time to time in the Party-controlled media (Vientiane Times, 18–21 July 2003; Le Renovateur, 27 November 2003). In 2005 the National Assembly finally passed an anti-corruption law. Debate was relatively open, but whether the law will have any more effect than previous presidential directives on combating corruption remains to be seen. A major problem in combating corruption lies in getting people to recognise it and do something about it. In many societies, it is taken for granted that if one is in a position to benefit a family member or friend, one should do so. Not to so do would be considered unusual, even immoral, behaviour. Behaviour that does benefit family or friends is excused because people well know that if they were in a similar position, they would do the same. So they think it normal. Where such behaviour is condemned for being excessive, criticism may be muted for fear of the power of the perpetrator. Either way, a culture of corruption develops and becomes accepted. Asian Studies Review March 2006, Vol. 30, pp. 59–75

Southeast Asia and China: The role of history and culture in shaping future relations

Despite the position of the United States as de facto global hegemon, China is a rising power in the world. As Chinese power grows, the projection of Chinese influence will be felt most acutely in Southeast Asia. Whether to accommodate, contain or resist China will depend on future developments that none can foresee, including Chinese ambitions, the policies of other international players (the U.S., Japan), and the cohesion or fragility of the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN). This paper argues that in deciding how best to deal with China, two factors that will influence the countries of Southeast Asia are their own long histories of bilateral relations with China and their own differing conceptions of how foreign relations should be conducted. This is to argue that history and culture are central to any understanding of the likely future shape of China-Southeast Asia relations. Only by taking history and culture into account will analysts be in a position to predict how the mainland and maritime states of Southeast Asia are likely to respond to a more powerful, confident and assertive China.

The French in Laos, 1887–1945

This paper examines the roots of the French attitude towards Laos in motivation for annexation, and go on to discuss the impact such attitudes had on subsequent attempts to achieve the mise en valeur of the territory. Because for the French Laos was little more than a hinterland of Vietnam, hardly any consideration was given to its political future until the crisis of 1940. Even then French authorities seemed incapable of conceiving of Laos as a distinct political entity separate from other parts of Indochina. The reconstitution of the modern Lao state, it is argued, was not therefore due to Frances benevolent protection, as has often been assumed, but to the Lao declaration of their independence and unity in 1945

Evolutionary Theory of History

Several attempts have been made recently to apply Darwinian evolutionary theory to the study of culture change and social history. The essential elements in such a theory are that variations occur in population, and that a process of selective retention operates during their replication and transmission. Location of such variable units in the semantic structure of cognition provides the individual psychological basis for an evolutionary theory of history. Selection operates on both the level of cognition and on its phenotypic expression in action in relation to individual preferred sources of psychological satisfaction. Social power comprises the principal selective forces within the unintended consequences of action and through the struggle of individuals and groups in pursuit of opposing interests. The implication for historiography are methodological in that evolutionary theory of history sharpens the focus of explanatory situational analysis, and interpretive in that it provides a paradigmatic metanarrative for the understanding of historical change.

The unit of replication in socio-cultural evolution

The last two decades have witnessed a sustained renewal of interest in the application of Darwinian evolutionary theory in the social sciences, most notably to the historical development of culture. Sociobiology has provided a powerful impetus to this trend, but contributions have also come from a variety of other disciplines (Campbell 1965; 1975). The common basis for such interest lies in recognition of the need to situate the evolution of man, including the evolution of human behavior and culture, firmly within an overall biological context, while avoiding the pitfalls of earlier attempts, e.g. those of Spencer (1972 [1873]). To this end a number of hypotheses have been advanced extending the twin Darwinian principles of variation and selective retention to provide the common theoretical basis necessary for both biological and sociocultural evolution to be subsumed within a common evolutionary theory. Notable contributions to a Darwinian theory of sociocultural evolution have come from Campbell (1965) Hill (1971), Ruyle (1973) Cloak (1975), Richerson and Boyd (1978), Durham (1979; 1982), Mundinger (1980), Pulliam and Dunford (I 980) Plotkin and Odling-Smee (198 I), Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman (198 I), and Lumsden and Wilson (I 98 I). While these various theories differ in the extent to which they envisage biogenetic and sociocultural evolution interacting in the development of human societies and cultures, all agree on the essential mechanism by which the evolution of culture must proceed: selective retention of a variable ‘unit of culture’. By analogy with the gene in biogenetic evolution, some ‘unit of culture’ is taken to be the elemental means by which culture is both replicated and transmitted. Such a unit must be able to be transmitted and be open to variation (mutation). Therefore, in the final analysis, it must be particulate. But while these properties have been widely recognized, there has been little or no agreement on just what constitutes a ‘unit of culture’. Numerous suggestions have been made ‘traits’, symbols, ideas, concepts, ‘memes’, ‘culturgens’, etc. but none has found general acceptance. Indeed in a recent assessment of current theories of sociocultural evolution. Daly states flatly that there is still no cultural analogue for the gene (Daly, 1982: 402). The identification of the unit of replication in sociocultural evolution is not simply of importance for its own sake: on it depends any real progress in developing either an evolutionary theory of social change, or a coevolutionary theory linking biogenetic and sociocultural evolution. What Bronowski stated in 1977 still holds true, despite advances since then: ‘we do not know the mechanism for social change because we have not been

Politicization of the Buddhist Sangha in Laos

Theravada Buddhism as the traditional religion of the dominant ethnic Lao majority in Laos historically has played a key role in structuring Lao society and in assuring the continuity of Lao culture. Though the dhamma (the Buddhas teaching) may be only superficially understood and practised by most of the lay population, Buddhism has provided a set of moral values and a view of life which have strongly influenced modes of thought and action over the centuries. As a result, the sangha (the order of Buddhist monks) has come to command high respect and its activities pervade every aspect of the social and cultural milieu.

The Constitution of the Lao People's Democratic Republic

On 14 August 1991 the Supreme Peoples Assembly (SPA) of the Lao Peoples Democratic Republic (LPDR) unanimously endorsed the first Constitution to be promulgated since the formation of the LPDR on 2 December 1975. For the intervening fifteen years, while Laos was without any constitutionally grounded system of laws, all legislative and executive powers had effectively been exercised by the ruling Lao Peoples Revolutionary Party (LPRP). This paper briefly examines the background to the new Constitution. It then goes on to discuss the document itself in comparison to earlier drafts and to the constitutions of neighbouring socialist states, namely the Peoples Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV).

The Challenge for Lao Historiography

This article examines the political dimension of historiography in contributing to the Lao nation-state building project, with particular reference to institutional and social forms of Lao political culture, the role of minority groups during the Revolution and the lingering shadow of the countrys aristocratic past. Reference is made to several key issues in current Lao historiography. The article also raises the issue of the respective political responsibilities of Lao and foreign historians in helping to construct a national history.

Laos in 1997: Into ASEAN

Membership in ASEAN will have a long-term effect on the direction of Laoss economic development. Laos has been given until 2008 to meet ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) requirements to reduce tariffs on most goods to below 5%. This should encourage both trade and investment but will force the government to introduce fiscal reforms to make up for the 20% of total revenue it currently derives from tariffs. Laos will also become more fully integrated with its ASEAN neighbors. Overland routes through Laos are seen as essential to increase trade between Thailand and Vietnam and between Thailand and southern China (Yunnan). Bridge and road construction are now priorities, with aid donors and international lending institutions concentrating on infrastructure development. ASEAN membership is already having an impact on Laoss foreign relations. Throughout the year a string of ASEAN heads of state, prime ministers, and foreign ministers visited Vientiane. President Suharto of Indonesia led the way in February, followed by Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong of Singapore in March, Thai Prime Minister Chavalit Youngchaiyudh in June, Vietnamese Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet in August, and President Fidel Ramos of the Philippines in October. Agreements on agriculture, health, narcotics control, and cultural exchange were signed. Singapore has opened an embassy in Vientiane, and Brunei is to follow suit.

Rethinking the evolution of culture and cognitive structure

Two recent attempts to clarify misunderstandings about the nature of cultural evolution (Henrich et al., 2008; Gabora, 2011) came to very different conclusions, based on very different understandings of what evolves and how. This paper begins by examining these two ‘clarifications’ in order to reveal their key differences, and goes on to rethink how culture evolves by focussing on the role of cognitive structure, or worldview.