Mary Francis

The European Parliament

During the coming election, the organisation and powers of the European Parliament will be referred to by both the press and politicians more than ever before. This chapter asks the key questions that are sure to be at the heart of many arguments.

The Voting Record: Analysis of the Key Divisions

This chapter contains a full analysis of the voting records of every MP on Europe in the three crucial votes in the House of Commons that were taken from October 1974 to 1977. These votes were on the renegotiated terms of membership and the two key votes on the passage of the Direct Elections Bill.

The Background to the Direct Elections

The story of British involvement in Direct Elections to the European Parliament predated the Referendum (see p. 21) by over a year. However, as the permanence of Britain’s EEC membership was in doubt until after June 1975, the achievements reached before then were effectively shelved. Thus Britain’s early influence was one which continued a long tradition of delay over this issue, dating back to the first Draft Convention of 1960. Over the actual passing of the Direct Elections Act, Britain’s record was equally dilatory. In terms of the time taken between the passing of the September 1976 Act and the completion of ratification in member states, Britain took the longest (with 17 months) despite the fact that the original enabling legislation had been included in the Queen’s speech of November 1976.1 Britain’s legislation was also unique in that the majority in the House of Commons was the smallest of any lower House in Europe. It is possible to provide a number of interpretations of the fact that Britain’s enthusiasm did not match that of her partners.

The Debate over Electoral Systems and Representation

The passage of the Direct Elections Bill gave rise to one of the most vociferous debates over electoral systems that Britain had seen for over a generation. Although the proponents of proportional representation did not succeed, the debate is certain to continue.

The Parties and the Direct Elections

In the European Parliament members sit in six supra-national political groups, rather than in national delegations. These groups, together with the independents, were made up as follows in the nominated parliament of 1978: Christian Democrats — 53 members; Communists and Allies — 18; Conservatives — 18; Liberals and Democrats — 23; Progressive Democrats — 16; Socialists — 66; Independents — 4. (Source: European Elections Briefing, European Parliament.)

The Voting: Analysis and Prospects

For the Direct Elections, the United Kingdom has been divided into 81 Euroconstituencies. Of these 66 are in England, 8 in Scotland, 4 in Wales and 3 in Ulster. Except for the special case of Ulster, all will elect MPs on the first-past-the-post system. The final boundaries for these constituencies were announced on 24 November 1978. On 4 December they were finally approved by the Commons despite a last-ditch resistance of some 20 anti-Marketeers.

The European Community

Despite the protracted debate over Britain’s entry into the EEC, many of the main institutions and organisations of the Community have remained a mystery to many British voters. This chapter sets out, in alphabetical order, the key names and phrases which have become the core of the political vocabulary of the EEC.

Britain and Europe: Current Issues and Controversies

As previous chapters have outlined, Direct Elections themselves have been a very important and controversial issue in Britain. With the decision to participate in the elections must come a wider assessment of recent developments in Europe and how they have been received here. Party political cleavages over European policies have been poorly developed in Britain due to the continuing dominance of pro- and anti-Market biases in approaches to European affairs. It is possible to see where left and right wing reactions to individual policies will differ markedly with the implementation of some of the longer term ideas in the Community, the most obvious case being that of the future role of the Regional and Social policies. However, the extent to which true party political divisions will emerge in Britain over European policies will depend upon whether the momentum of anti-Market opinion within the Labour Party and the British electorate continues to grow and whether obvious divergences between the interests of Britain and those of the Community arise with greater or lesser frequency.