Mason Willrich

Energy and world politics

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International Energy Agency: an interpretation and assessment

This paper is concerned with the International Energy Program (IEP) and focuses on its formation in 1974, its main objectives of promoting secure oil supplies on reasonable and equitable terms and of reducing dependence on imported oil, and its effectiveness in dealing with OPEC and OAPEC. (KRM)

Non-proliferation treaty : framework for nuclear arms control

The reader may find it practical to read the two books together. Usefully complementing one another in a number of points, they help define the intricacies not only of technology and economics but also of politics and legal conceptualization of nuclear strategies aiming at preventing global nuclear confrontation. However, the two authors differ sufficiently in their methodological approach and attitudes to make a perusal of the results of their inquiries interesting. For Dr. Wentz, nuclear proliferation is already part of todays world while the state of nuclear technology and economic conditions in industrialized countries foreclose a possibility of preventing its further spreading. He therefore centers his inquiry on a search for a viable alternative to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) which he considers, from the very beginning, as a move in the wrong direction. For Professor Willrich, non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (beyond the present five nuclear weapon states) is an attainable goal worth trying for. The NPT is then for him a stepping-stone, although far from being perfect, toward a new international legal order which would bar nuclear and ultimately all weapons as an instrument for settling conflicts among the nation-

Nuclear crisis management

Avoidance of a nuclear crisis is the top priority for the superpowers. But if one should begin, the question is whether and how it could be “managed.”

Energy Independence for America

T HE Arab oil embargo and the OPEC oil price explosion in 1973-74 exposed Americas energy vulnerability and set off a national debate on how to regain energy independence. Should the United States reduce its vulnerability to interruptions of its oil supply by levying taxes or imposing import quotas? By increasing domestic energy supplies or reducing demand? By less or more government control of domestic energy prices? By relying on private enterprise or launching new government corporations? The American energy debate seems endless. By October 1975 the tally on energy legislation for the 94th Congress showed about a thousand bills introduced and only a handful passed. Most of the hard choices are still ahead. The continuing indecision in the United States is partly due to the complexity of the subject, since energy plays a pervasive role in an industrial and consumer-oriented society. However, the governments persistent inability to make political choices among alternative means may also reflect doubt and ambivalence about energy independence as a national goal. Is this goal so compelling that the United States government should make the painful political compromises necessary to achieve it? If the answer is no, it seems time for the government to abandon the energy independence rhetoric and adjust to the reality of a substantial vulnerability to the interruption of American energy supplies from foreign sources. However, if the answer is yes, it is high time for the government as a whole-Congress and the President share responsibility-to rise above political partisanship and narrow economic ideology in order to make the far-reaching decisions that will start America moving decisively and irreversibly towards energy independence. In this article I will analyse the basic issues underlying energy independence from an American viewpoint. But the energy path America chooses, whether consciously or by default, will have major ramifications for international stability and security, the world economy and the global environment. I would hope that some of what

International Control of Civil Nuclear Power

Can we achieve international control of civil nuclear power? The urgency increases as the number of nuclear reactors grows, for, as Mason Willrich writes in the first of the three articles that follow, “the spread of nuclear power reactors around the world will not only increase the availability of electricity but also raise a spectrum of possible threats to international security.”Mason Willrich is associate professor of law, University of Virginia, and was formerly Assistant General Counsel, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. His analysis of requirements for an international safeguards system for civil nuclear power, which begins on page 32, is followed in this issue by two articles on the safeguards system now in effect in the Euratom Community. J. Gueron (General Director for Research and Training in Euratom) writes of “The Lessons To Be Learned from Euratom.” Stephen Gorove (professor of law at the University of Mississippi) evaluates in his article “Inspection and Control in Euratom.”