Massimo Renzo

The boundaries of the criminal law

1. Introduction: The Boundaries of the Criminal Law 2. Criminalization and the Criminal Process: Prudential Mercy as a Limit on Penal Sanctions in an Era of Mass Incarceration 3. Preventative Orders: A Problem of Undercriminalization? 4. Perversions and Subversions of Criminal Law 5. Proactive Forensic Profiling: Proactive Criminalization? 6. Horrific Crime 7. Criminalization and Regulation 8. Criminal Law between Public and Private Law 9. Criminal Wrongs in Historical Perspective 10. Theories of Criminalization and the Limits of Criminal Law: a Legal Cultural Approach

The constitution of the criminal law

R.A. Duff and John Gardner have recently suggested that responsibility should be understood in terms of answerability, i.e. in terms of the reasons offered by the agent in order to justify her conduct. However, this idea is formulated in very different ways by the two. Gardner’s account is “non-relational” in that it assumes that all moral reasons ultimately apply to every moral agent and that “everyone’s conformity to every reason is everyone’s business”. This means that, although there are obvious pragmatic reasons to limit the practice of calling each other to account, in principle we are answerable to everyone for everything. The model defended by Duff, on the other hand, is relational in that it ties the right to call someone to account to the existence of relevant normative relationships between members of specific groups. In particular, Duff ties criminal responsibility to membership in the political community: being criminally responsible is being answerable to our fellow citizens for those wrongs that violate the fundamental values of the political community. While espousing the relational model defended by Duff, I suggest that there is a class of wrongs, namely violations of basic human rights, for which we are answerable not only to our fellow citizens, but also to all human beings. This is because while we can account for the wrongness of crimes such as theft or tax evasion simply by appealing to Duff’s thought that these crimes violate the fundamental values of the political community, the wrongness of crimes such as murder or rape cannot be reduced to that. We are certainly answerable for these crimes to our fellow citizens because to the extent that our polity declares them as public wrongs, in perpetrating them we fail to treat the victim with the respect owed to her as a fellow citizen. But we are also answerable for them to the whole of humanity because in committing them we also fail to treat the victim with the respect owed to her as a fellow human being.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE PRIORITY OF THE MORAL

The main point of contention between “naturalistic” and “political” theories of human rights concerns the need to invoke the notion of moral human rights (i.e., rights that all human beings have simply by virtue of their humanity) in justifying the system of human rights included in the international practice. Political theories argue that we should bypass the question of the justification of moral human rights and start with the question of which norms and principles should be adopted to regulate the practice. Naturalistic theories, by contrast, claim that a convincing answer to the latter question will have to presuppose some answer to the former. An adequate justification of the system of human rights included in the international practice, according to naturalistic approaches, will ultimately have to rely on some appeal to moral human rights. I call this view the “Priority of the Moral over the Political.” In this essay, I argue that the Priority of the Moral is harder to dismiss than political theories of human rights suggest, and that before we can assess the plausibility of these theories, they need to say more in defense of their claim that they can do without this view. I then consider the two main objections that seem to have motivated many philosophers to abandon the naturalistic approach to the justification of human rights in favor of the political one. I conclude by suggesting that a variant of naturalistic justification, the basic-needs account, has the resources to address these objections.