Maxine David

Introduction: The European Union and Russia

The EU’s multilevel system of governance means that the member states participate in the formulation and implementation of the Union’s common policy towards Russia within the framework of the Brussels institutions while quite legitimately continuing to maintain bilateral relationships with Russia. In itself this is not unusual: the same is true in the case of the EU’s foreign policies in general. However, the case of Russia is of particular importance and relevance for understanding the interplay between the formulation and conduct of foreign policy at the national and multinational (EU) levels and in particular for assessing the impact of the former on the coherence and effectiveness of the latter. There are a number of reasons for this. Firstly, a significant number of member states have very extensive and intensive bilateral relationships with Russia, often officially designated as ‘strategic’ or ‘special’ partnerships and framed by bilateral treaties and agreements. Chief among them are four of the large member states, Germany, Italy, France and also more recently Spain. However, a number of smaller states such as Greece, Cyprus, Bulgaria, Finland and the Netherlands also have very close (although in the case of the latter, not always trouble-free) relations. Frequent bilateral summits take place and there is a dense network of meetings at political, official and civil society levels often resulting in important agreements, for example on energy, trade, security and culture.

Modernisation in EU–Russian relations: Past, present, and future

Abstract The purpose of this editorial is to set the context for the special issue on modernisation in European Union (EU)–Russian relations. It therefore first locates the Partnership for Modernisation in the context of EU–Russian relations, identifying its place vis-à-vis the 1994 Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, 2005 Common Spaces and negotiations on a new EU–Russian agreement. The article then addresses the current context of these relations, which has been steadily deteriorating since the beginning of 2014 due to events in Ukraine. Third, the editorial identifies the importance of modernisation for Russia and describes how the processes of this millennium are different from Russias previous attempts to modernise. Finally, the article explains why modernisation is still relevant for EU–Russian relations despite the current state of relations between Moscow and Brussels and introduces the contributions to this special issue.

A Less than Special Relationship - the UK’s Russia Experience

This article examines the UKs post-Cold War relations with Russia, arguing that three factors have defined the relationship: the mix of a values and interests approach; leadership; and external pressures. These have resulted in the emergence of three distinct phases, each underpinned by the same objectives but with different ideas on how to achieve them. The effects of the UKs special relationship with the USA are also examined, concluding that the UKs transatlantic orientation had the positive benefit for the EU of insulating it from the worst effects of a troubled bilateral relationship, showing bilateralism does not always signal trouble for multilateral arrangements.

New Social Media: Modernisation and Democratisation in Russia

Abstract The European Union (EU)–Russia Partnership for Modernisation (P4M) seemingly indicated a shift in the relationship from a basis in a democratising discourse to a modernising one. This article argues that despite Russias view of modernisation as being about economic growth and innovation, for the EU democratisation remained an important priority. Which vision, however, has been vindicated? To answer this question, the focus is on the use of computer-mediated communication, occasioned by the questions asked since mass public demonstrations began in Russia in late 2011 about whether those protests were evidence of Russia undergoing its own ‘spring’ in the way seen in many parts of the Arab world in 2010. These comparisons were drawn primarily because of the perceived role of new technologies in helping ordinary Russians to mobilise and publicise protest. Looking at modernisation through the prism of social media is revealing of the extent to which Russians use modern technology and of the extent to which Russia is democratising. The article concludes that there is evidence of modernising and democratising effects but that an increasingly repressive government approach looks like creating effective obstacles to the EU and Russian visions of modernisation alike.