Merle Goldman

China joins the world : progress and prospects

Since the 1970s, the United States has facilitated Chinas entry into world affairs. What are the results of the effort to integrate China into the international community at an early stage in its rise? How has the international system affected Chinese behavior, and how has China influenced the international system? Each chapter in this volume explores the record of Chinese participation in a specific issue area: the United Nations, arms control, the environment, human rights, banking and finance, trade, energy, telecommunications, and international law. These in-depth and timely studies reveal considerable success--more than most forecasts expected--but the road ahead may prove tougher than the terrain already covered. In addition to the editors, the contributors include Todd M. Johnson, Samuel S. Kim, Nicholas R. Lardy, Andrew J. Nathan, Margaret M. Pearson, Alexander H. Platt, Lester Ross, Michael D. Swaine, Frederick S. Tipson, and Ko-Yung Tung.

China's intellectuals : advise and dissent

Dissident Intellectuals and the Regime The Liberal Intellectuals Response of the Radical Intellectuals The Party Rectification of 1964-1965 The Cultural Revolution Ideological Divergence of the Shanghai Group The Scientists and Deng Xiaoping The Consequences of Advice and Dissent Notes Index

Modern Chinese literature in the May Fourth Era

One of the most creative and brilliant episodes in modern Chinese history, the cultural and literary flowering that takes the name of the May Fourth Movement, is the subject of this comprehensive and insightful book. This is the first study of modern Chinese literature that shows how Chinas Confucian traditions were combined with Western influences to create a literature of new values and consciousness for the Chinese people.

China's intellectuals and the state : in search of a new relationship

Todays intellectuals in China inherit a mixed tradition in terms of their relationship to the state. Some follow the Confucian literati watchdog role of criticizing abuses of political power. Marxist intellectuals judge the states practices on the basis of Communist ideals. Others prefer the May Fourth spirit, dedicated to the principles of free scholarly and artistic expression. The Chinese government, for its part, has undulated in its treatment of intellectuals, applying restraints when free expression threatened to get out of control, relaxing controls when state policies required the cooperation, good will, and expertise of intellectuals. In this stimulating work, twelve China scholars examine that troubled and changing relationship. They focus primarily on the post-Mao years when bitter memories of the Cultural Revolution and Chinas renewed quest for modernization have at times allowed intellectuals increased leeway in expression and more influence in policy-making. Specialists examine the situation with respect to economists, lawyers, scientists and technocrats, writers, and humanist scholars in the climate of Deng Xiaopings policies, and speculate about future developments. This book will be a valuable source of information for anyone interested in the changing scene in contemporary China and in its relations with the outside world.

Politically-Engaged Intellectuals in the 1990s

Although dissident intellectuals and students continued to be persecuted in the post-Mao Zedong regimes of Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, Chinas intellectuals were no longer denigrated as a class, harassed, suppressed, imprisoned and persecuted to death as they had been during the Mao era. Like the 19th-century self-strengtheners, Deng and his appointed successors regarded intellectuals as essential to achieve their goal of economic modernization and make China once again “rich and powerful.” Those intellectuals involved in the sciences, technology and economics in particular enjoyed elite status as advisers to the government, similar to that which intellectuals had enjoyed throughout most of Chinese history until the 1949 revolution.

Religion in Post-Mao China

Increased interest in religion in post-Mao China stems from disillusionment with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the destructiveness of the Cultural Revolution. Young people, in particular, are searching for a new belief system. Equally important, the Deng Xiaoping leadership is willing to tolerate religious practices and to rebuild religious institutions. Its seemingly benign policy does not stem from a greater appreciation of religion, but from the desire to exert tighter control over religion. The repression of the Cultural Revolution had driven religion underground, outside the Partys control; thus, the Deng leaderships policy of religious tolerance is to lure religious believers from private to public worship, where the Party can reassert its control. Its religious tolerance is also aimed at winning the cooperation of relatively well-educated Christian converts and the assistance of Western nations in its drive for economic modernization.

Ideas across cultures : essays on Chinese thought in honor of Benjamin I. Schwartz

Benjamin Schwartz taught at Harvard from 1950 until his retirement in 1987. Through his teaching and writing, he became a major force in the field of Chinese studies, setting standards above all in the area of intellectual history that have been a source of inspiration to students and scholars worldwide. His influence extends well beyond the China field, cutting across conventional disciplinary boundaries, touching political science, religion, philosophy, and literature as well as history. The essays in this book are by scholars who have studied with Benjamin Schwartz. Given the range of his own interests, it is fitting that they embrace an expanse of time from the Zhou dynasty to the present and a range of subjects equally inclusive ancient and medieval Chinese thought, the fate of democracy in early Republican China, the development of aesthetic modernism in the 1920s and 1930s and its reemergence in the post-Mao era, the emphasis on spiritual regeneration and cultural transformation in Chinese and Japanese Marxism, popular values in twentieth-century China (as reflected in village theatrical performances), the larger issue of what part our own values should take in the study and assessment of other societies and cultures, and the equally broad issue of how we are to address the relationship between Chinese modernization and Chinas traditional culture. Despite this heterogeneity and the fact that the contributors include two political scientists, five historians with strong philosophical interests, and three scholars whose writing bridges the disciplines of history and literature, there is a surprising coherence to the volume. Almost all the authors consciously address either aspects of Schwartzs general approach or specific themes dealt with in his work. Each contribution is about ideas and takes ideas and their societal roles seriously. Although presented in the specific context of China, the issues raised in these essays are important to the world beyond China. Exploring them in both their Chinese and non-Chinese settings reflects the power of Schwartzs own work in illuminating a broader canvas of human thought.

China's Anti-Confucian Campaign, 1973–74

Observers of the current Chinese scene have found the anti-Confucian campaign which dominated the Chinese press from the autumn of 1973 through 1974 to be extremely puzzling. At one level, most observers agree that the attack on Confucianism was what it appeared to be – a continuation of the communist effort to eradicate traditional habits and attitudes that have persisted despite the revolution. It was a campaign against elitism, bureaucratism, scorn of physical labour, and the inferior condition of women. Most important, it was the rejection of the Confucian values of idealism, humanism and conservatism.

Politically-Engaged Intellectuals in the Deng-Jiang Era: A Changing Relationship with the Party-State *

During the regime of Mao Zedong (1949–76), a number of Western scholars described Chinas modern history as moving from one orthodoxy, the Confucianism of the Qing dynasty, to the Marxism–Leninism– Maoism of the Peoples Republic. The cultural and intellectual pluralism of the intervening years of die early decades of the 20th century, the May Fourth movement, and even the more limited pluralism during the weak Leninist state and watered–down Confucianism of the Kuomintang Republic (1928–49) looked like an interregnum between two orthodoxies.1 When Deng Xiaoping came to power in 1978 and established a milder form of authoritarianism than that of his predecessor, a number of Western scholars revised their views of 20th–century Chinese history. As Deng carried out economically pragmatic policies and relaxed controls over the intellectual community as well as over peoples personal lives and geographic regions, they pointed out that the 1949 divide of the Chinese Communist revolution was not as sharp and as singular a break in modern Chinese history as it had been presented. Rather, it should be seen as part of the ongoing effort to build a strong Chinese state and modern economy, inspired by nationalist pride, going on since the end of the Qing dynasty in 1911.

Hu Yaobang's Intellectual Network and the Theory Conference of 1979

The theory conference that took place from mid-January till early April 1979 was a turning point in the history of the Peoples Republic of China. For the first time at an official forum, Mao Zedongs thought was rejected and demands were made for fundamental political reform of the Leninist system of democratic centralism. The exponents of these views were a network of intellectuals associated with Hu Yaobang, who was the conference chairman. While Hu was not necessarily a democrat within the context of the Deng Xiaoping regime, the intellectuals associated with him could be called a “democratic elite.”