Michael Dumper

Israeli Settlement in the Old City of Jerusalem

Since 1967, Israeli settlement policy in Jerusalem has been directed towards a single overriding goal: the consolidation of Israeli control over Palestinian East Jerusalem in order to prevent any future redivision of the city. In political and functional terms, this has involved declarations of a united Jerusalem as the eternal capital of the Israeli state, combined with the transfer of government offices and the extension of municipal authority and services to East Jerusalem. Demographically, it has meant strenuous efforts to construct housing and encourage the settlement of Israelis in the Palestinian parts of the city.1 There have been four phases of Israeli settlement in the Old City. The first took place in the immediate aftermath of the June 1967 war and involved the demolition of the entire Magharib quarter and the eviction of its Palestinian residents. During the second phase, from 1968 to the late seventies, the Israeli government expanded the Jewish quarter by expropriating Palestinian and Islamic properties between the Armenian and Magharib quarters, evicting the Palestinian tenants and replacing them with Israelis. These two phases have been considered with other researchers.2 Beginning in the early eighties, militant Israeli settler groups initiated the third phase aimed at establishing an Israeli presence in the heart of the Muslim quarters of the Old City and near the Haram al-Sharif. The fourth phase began in 1987 when the minister of housing, Ariel Sharon, occupied a prop-

In Defense of Al-Aqsa: The Islamic Movement inside Israel and the Battle for Jerusalem

The past ten years have witnessed the collapse of Palestinian political authority and leadership in East Jerusalem. Evidence suggests that the Islamic Movement is beginning to fill this vacuum from within Israel. This article examines the growing involvement of the Islamic Movement of Israel in Jerusalem, both in terms of discourse and specific facts on the ground. It explores how the al-Aqsa mosque has been employed, particularly by Shaykh Raid Salah, as a symbol for political empowerment, a site for public contestation, and a focus for religious renewal. It debates whether their presence should be perceived as a growing strategic threat, part of an Islamizing trend, or rather as a consequence of weak local leadership, the unintended consequences of the separation wall and the non-recognition of the Hamas government.

Policing divided cities: stabilization and law enforcement in Palestinian East Jerusalem

The study of conflict in cities has emerged as a significant subfield in a number of disciplines. For policy-makers and analysts concerned with humanitarian interventions in cities emerging from conflict, the city as a form of human organization and its impact upon the establishment of security is of particular importance. Less academic attention has been given to divided cities where the legitimacy of the state authority controlling the city is, itself, in question and where stabilization and the establishment of security is protracted. The adoption of integrative and inclusive approaches to policing becomes a key component in security regimes in divided cities. In these cases, however, to what extent should the stabilization phase be recast? Is the law enforcement phase subsumed and over-ridden by national security concerns? This article examines these questions by suggesting a number of security models which have been used in a range of divided cities. It focuses in more detail on a study of Israeli policing in the Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem occupied by Israel after 1967 to draw some broader conclusions about the nature of the security regime in Jerusalem and other divided cities inside contested states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

JERUSALEM'S INFRASTRUCTURE: IS ANNEXATION IRREVERSIBLE?

Is the annexation of East Jerusalem and the adjacent areas of the West Bank by Israel in 1967 irreversible? The widely held view is that since the Israeli government has not and will not brook attempts to include East Jerusalem in the land-for-peace equation currently being negotiated, the question is closed. Moreover, even beyond Israels insistence on Jerusalem as its eternal and undivided capital, have not the western and eastern parts of the city over the past quarter-century simply grown too intermeshed to be redivided? This article seeks to explore whether, in fact, there are strong functional and technical imperatives which make the repartition of the city impossible. It reviews three areas in the service and utility base of the city-water provision, sewage disposal, and electric power generation and distributionwhich could determine the viability of repartition. This is not to underestimate or fail to give due priority to the political questions that have to be resolved first. Rather it is an attempt to see whether questions of functional

The politics of heritage and the limitations of international agency in contested cities: a study of the role of UNESCO in Jerusalem's Old City

This article problematises international heritage interventions in divided cities through exploring UNESCOs role in Jerusalems Old City. It examines the tension between universal heritage values and protocols and nationalist agendas which often involve politicised archaeological responses. Drawing on comparative case studies of UNESCO-affiliated projects in Fez and Aleppo, and in the violently divided cities and regions of Mostar and Kosovo, it assesses future challenges and possibilities facing UNESCO in Jerusalem. While the article confirms an increased need for an international arbitrator and protector for the citys sacred sites and divided cultural heritage, it also underscores the limitations of UNESCOs legal remit and the political sensitivities which hinder its praxis.

The Politics of Heritage and the Limitations of International Agency in Divided Cities: The role of UNESCO in Jerusalem's Old City’,

This article problematises international heritage interventions in divided cities through exploring UNESCOs role in Jerusalems Old City. It examines the tension between universal heritage values and protocols and nationalist agendas which often involve politicised archaeological responses. Drawing on comparative case studies of UNESCO-affiliated projects in Fez and Aleppo, and in the violently divided cities and regions of Mostar and Kosovo, it assesses future challenges and possibilities facing UNESCO in Jerusalem. While the article confirms an increased need for an international arbitrator and protector for the citys sacred sites and divided cultural heritage, it also underscores the limitations of UNESCOs legal remit and the political sensitivities which hinder its praxis.

End of an Era

A walk through the Palestinian district of Hawalli in Kuwait City brings on sadness tinged with disbelief. The rubbish that had accumulated in the streets since the Iraqi occupation has finally been cleared, but there is in any case very little new rubbish. Most Palestinians have left and the bustling, relatively prosperous community of 400,000 in prewar days, already reduced to 150,000 by the end of the Iraqi occupation, is now little more than 70,000 people. Every day more are leaving. All flights to Jordan are fully booked and heavily laden cars and pick-up trucks can be seen making their way towards Abdaly on the Iraqi border en route to Amman. By the end of 1991, there will be only 30,000-40,000 Palestinians left in Kuwait. At night the effects of this dramatic exodus can be seen more clearly. The full moon casts eerie shadows along darkened streets between empty apartment blocks, while unlit windows stare mournfully across at their unlit neighbors. Further down the street, lights from some apartments in other blocks reveal families still present, but in many stairwells packing cases are lined up ready for use. In some living rooms young men are clustered around a table drinking tea, sharing their sorrow, trying to boost their morale, trying to come to terms while the shock of both the Iraqi occupation and now the collapse of their community. Families are separated by borders once again, networks of friendship and support irrevocably fractured, dreams have crashed and have been replaced by memories too hot and painful to remember. Hawalli is a community in tatters.