Michael J. Reiss

Towards a More Authentic Science Curriculum: The contribution of out-of-school learning

In many developed countries of the world, pupil attitudes to school science decline progressively across the age range of secondary schooling while fewer students are choosing to study science at higher levels and as a career. Responses to these developments have included proposals to reform the curriculum, pedagogy, and the nature of pupil discussion in science lessons. We support such changes but argue that far greater use needs to be made of out‐of‐school sites in the teaching of science. Such usage will result in a school science education that is more valid and more motivating. We present an “evolutionary model” of science teaching that looks at where learning and teaching take place, and draws together thinking about the history of science and developments in the nature of learning over the past 100 years or so. Our contention is that laboratory‐based school science teaching needs to be complemented by out‐of‐school science learning that draws on the actual world (e.g., through fieldtrips), the presented world (e.g., in science centres, botanic gardens, zoos and science museums), and the virtual worlds that are increasingly available through information technologies.

Building a model of the environment: how do children see plants?

In order to name and classify a plant they see, children use their existing mental models to provide the plant with a name and classification. In this study pupils of a range of ages (5, 8, 10, and 14 years old) were presented with preserved specimens of six different plants (strictly, five plants and a fungus) and asked a series of questions about them. Their responses indicate that pupils of all ages mainly recognise and use anatomical features when naming the plants and explaining why they are what they are. However, older pupils are more likely to also use habitat features. For both girls and boys, the home and direct observation are more important sources of knowledge than school, TV, videos, CD-Roms, or books, although TV, videos, CD-Roms, and books seem more important for boys than for girls. As pupils age, their reasons for grouping plants become more complicated: in addition to relying on shared anatomical and habitat features, they begin to show evidence of a knowledge of taxonomy and use this k...

Values in Sex Education : From Principles to Practice

1. Why values are central to sex education 2. Diversity and change in sexual attitudes and values 3. Childrens voices and childrens values 4. Liberal values 5, Pleasure, recreation, health and well-being 6. Religious values 7. Family values 8. Love 9. Aims for school sex education 10. Frameworks for school sex education 11. Sex education in the primary phase 12. Sex education in the secondary phase

An international study of young people's drawings of what is inside themselves

What do young people know of what is inside them and how does this knowledge depend on their culture? Inthis study a cross-sectional approach was used involving a total of 586 pupils from 11 different countries.Young people, aged either seven years or 15 years, were given a blank piece of A4-sized paper and asked todraw what they thought was inside themselves. The resultant drawings were analysed using a seven pointscale where the criterion was anatomical accuracy. However, we also tentatively suggest other ways in whichsuch drawings may be analysed, drawing on approaches used in the disciplines of visual design and visualculture.

Storing temporal sequences

Abstract Direct storage of temporal sequences is analysed in terms of a neural net composed of leaky integrator neurons with a range of time constants. These neurons store previously presented patterns and allow the transitions between the patterns of a sequence to be learnt. This is shown even to lead to disambiguation (which is defined in Section 1). Storage capacity is determined by simulation. We also present a detailed study of the efficiency of this system in its dependence on the type of neuronal activity. Finally, we note the relevance of our model to understanding activity in the hippocampus.

Should science educators deal with the science/religion issue?

I begin by examining the natures of science and religion before looking at the ways in which they relate to one another. I then look at a number of case studies that centre on the relationships between science and religion, including attempts to find mechanisms for divine action in quantum theory and chaos theory, creationism, genetic engineering and the writings of Richard Dawkins. Finally, I consider some of the pedagogical issues that would need to be considered if the science/religion issue is to be addressed in the classroom. I conclude that there are increasing arguments in favour of science educators teaching about the science/religion issue. The principal reason for this is to help students better to learn science. However, such teaching makes greater demands on science educators than has generally been the case. Certain of these demands are identified and some specific suggestions are made as to how a science educator might deal with the science/religion issue.

The Relationship between Evolutionary Biology and Religion

Belief in creationism and intelligent design is widespread and gaining significance in a number of countries. This article examines the characteristics of science and of religions and the possible relationship between science and religion. I argue that creationism is sometimes best seen not as a misconception but as a worldview. In such instances, the most to which a science educator (whether in school, college or university) can normally aspire is to ensure that students with creationist beliefs understand the scientific position. In the short term, the scientific worldview is unlikely to supplant a creationist one for students who are firm creationists. We can help students to find their evolutionary biology courses interesting and intellectually challenging without their being threatening. Effective teaching in this area can help students not only learn about the theory of evolution but better appreciate the way science is done, the procedures by which scientific knowledge accumulates, the limitations of science, and the ways in which scientific knowledge differs from other forms of knowledge.

Students’ attitudes towards science: A long‐term perspective

In this study the attitudes of 4 students, 2 boys and 2 girls, towards science were followed over the course of 6 years. Data were obtained in two ways: First, and principally, the students were interviewed annually in their homes from the ages of 11 to 16 years, and again at the age of 17, one year after the ending of their compulsory schooling; and secondly, the students were observed during their science lessons in an English state (non-fee-paying) school, from 1994 to 1999. Each student’s attitudes towards science and her/his experiences of her/his school science education are described by means of quotations and episodic biographical vignettes. These allow us to track the ways in which the students’ attitudes about science developed over the course of the study. The findings help to shed light on the reasons why many students lose interest in science during the course of their secondary science education.Sommaire exécutifUn des principaux avantages des études longitudinales est qu’elles permettent de suivre l’évolution des personnes, des organisations, des politiques, etc. dans le temps, de façon à en étudier les éventuels changements. Dans la présente étude, nous sommes penchés sur les attitudes de quatre élèves, deux garçons et deux filles, à l’égard des sciences, sur une période de six ans. Tous les instruments de recherche servant à déterminer les attitudes soulèvent des problèmes de validité. Dans le cas qui nous occupe, les données ont été obtenues de deux façons: premièrement, par le biais d’entrevues annuelles réalisées dans le milieu familial des élèves tout au long de leur formation scientifique à l’école, soit de l’âge de 11 ans (septième année scolaire) à 16 ans (onzième année scolaire), suivies d’une entrevue finale à 17 ans, c’est-à-dire un an après la fin de la scolarité obligatoire; deuxièmement, grâce à l’observation directe de leurs cours de sciences dispensés par une école publique (c’est-à-dire non privée) en Angleterre, de 1994 à 1999.Les attitudes à l’égard des sciences de chacun des élèves, ainsi que leurs expériences de l’enseignement scientifique à l’école, sont décrites par le biais de citations et d’anecdotes biographiques représentées sur vignettes. Celles-ci permettent de retracer les différentes façons dont les attitudes des élèves ont évolué au cours de l’étude. Les résultats contribuent à éclairer les raisons pour lesquelles de nombreux élèves se désintéressent des sciences au cours de leurs études secondaires.En accord avec les résultats d’autres recherches, les données provenant des quatre élèves que nous avons suivis ici montrent qu’une bonne partie de l’enthousiasme pour les sciences manifesté par les élèves de septième année s’était érodé dans le cours des 5 années de l’étude. Cette tendance se confirme lorsque qu’on considère tous les élèves de l’échantillon, bien que la richesse des données rende toute généralisation difficile. En particulier, les différents enseignants ont certainement joué un rôle significatif dans le maintien ou la perte d’intérêt de certains élèves pour les cours de sciences.Dans les dernières années, de nombreux enseignants ont remis en question la pertinence des travaux pratiques dans les cours de sciences à l’école. Pourtant, les travaux pratiques sont justement l’un des aspects les plus populaires des cours de sciences à l’école. Les citations de nos quatre élèves indiquent clairement la popularité des séances de travaux pratiques. D’autre part, il apparaît évident que cette préférence pour les travaux pratiques s’explique au moins en partie par un intérêt encore moins marqué pour les autres activités des cours, notamment celles qui consistent à écrire ou à écouter parler l’enseignant. Comme le dit Catherine dans son entrevue de huitième année, ≪Àa nous fait faire quelque chose de différent, au lieu de simplement prendre des notes ou d’autres choses du genre≫. Dans son entrevue de neuvième année, Mary raconte que ce qu’elle préfère dans les cours de sciences, c’est ≪faire des expériences, parce qu’on n’a pas besoin de se concentrer tout le temps. On peut faire ce qu’on a à faire et ensuite penser à autre chose pendant quelque temps.≫ Un an après avoir quitté l’école Pasmoor, Burt affirme: ≪J’ai bien aimé les travaux pratiques, mais je ne suis pas sûr d’y avoir appris beaucoup de choses.≫Lorsque, un an après la fin de leurs études secondaires, on a demandé à ces quatre élèves ce qui, selon eux, constituerait une bonne formation scientifique à l’école secondaire, leurs réponses ne faisaient guère mention de la nécessité de fournir des bases solides pour poursuivre des études scientifiques avancées ou pour trouver un emploi. Plutôt, ils désiraient que les cours de sciences obligatoires soient pertinents et utiles dans la vie de tous les jours.

SEXUAL DIMORPHISM IN BODY SIZE - ARE LARGER SPECIES MORE DIMORPHIC

It is frequently stated that larger species show greater sexual dimorphism in size. Here the evidence for this statement is reviewed and the theories which predict an association between size and dimorphism considered. In several taxa larger species are more dimorphic, though there are exceptions. Indeed in the Mustelidae (weasels, otters, etc.) smaller species are more dimorphic. The main reason why an association between size and sexual dimorphism sometimes exists is probably because, on an evolutionary timescale, ecological factors such as food distribution affect both size and the opportunity for polygyny—polygynous species tend to be dimorphic—rather than because of a direct causal link between size and dimorphism. When the effects of polygyny on sexual dimorphism are removed, in only primates and small mammals is there still evidence of a link between size and dimorphism. The theories that predict a causal link between size and dimorphism are generally unconvincing.

What Sort of Girl Wants to Study Physics after the Age of 16? Findings from a Large-Scale UK Survey.

This paper investigates the characteristics of 15-year-old girls who express an intention to study physics post-16. This paper unpacks issues around within-girl group differences and similarities between boys and girls in survey responses about physics. The analysis is based on the year 10 (age 15 years) responses of 5,034 students from 137 UK schools as learners of physics during the academic year 2008–2009. A comparison between boys and girls indicates the pervasiveness of gender issues, with boys more likely to respond positively towards physics-specific constructs than girls. The analysis also indicates that girls and boys who expressed intentions to participate in physics post-16 gave similar responses towards their physics teachers and physics lessons and had comparable physics extrinsic motivation. Girls (regardless of their intention to participate in physics) were less likely than boys to be encouraged to study physics post-16 by teachers, family and friends. Despite this, there were a subset of girls still intending to study physics post-16. The crucial differences between the girls who intended to study physics post-16 and those who did not is that girls who intend to study physics post-16 had higher physics extrinsic motivation, more positive perceptions of physics teachers and lessons, greater competitiveness and a tendency to be less extrovert. This strongly suggests that higher extrinsic motivation in physics could be the crucial underlying key that encourages a subset of girls (as well as boys) in wanting to pursue physics post-16.