Michael M. Gruneberg

Some methodological problems with feeling of knowing studies

Abstract This paper discusses two methodological problems in Feeling of Knowing (FOK) studies which emerged from a further analysis of the data of Gruneberg and Monks (1974). The first, that of greater time being spent in searching for higher FOK rated than for lower FOK rated items, is examined in an experiment which controls for differences in time of search. Results indicate that the greater search time spent on high FOK rated items in the experiment of Gruneberg and Monks could not account for differences in recall probability following first letter cueing. The second methodological problem emerging from a fuller analysis of the Gruneberg and Monks study is that the nature of the material can affect the relationship between rated feeling of knowing and subsequent cued recall.

The generalisability of confidence-accuracy studies in eyewitnessing

This paper discusses the evidence on the confidence-accuracy relationship in eyewitness research. It is pointed out that the conclusion often drawn on the basis of such research, that there is little or no relationship between eyewitness confidence and accuracy, is an unwarranted generalisation based on the use of experimental paradigms that are limited in terms of their generalisability to courtroom situations. In particular, almost all studies involve between-subject rather than within-subject designs, thereby limiting the generalisability of findings. A within-subjects analysis examines whether, within an individual, more confident responses are associated with greater accuracy than are less confident responses. A between-subjects analysis examines whether a more confident individual is likely to be more accurate than a less confident individual. A further limitation on the generalisability to real life situations of studies conducted to date is that experiments must involve making errors in identification in order to allow correlational analysis to take place. This means that findings cannot be generalised to those real life situations where all subjects are likely to be completely accurate and confident.

Ergonomic Aspects of Productivity

Whatever social and motivational aspects are important for maintaining a high enough rate of work output, it is a fact of life that the operator on the shop floor cannot be fully efficient if the equipment provided and the working environment are inadequate. Despite some of the paradoxical findings of the Hawthorne experiment (see Chapter 1), a worker is unlikely to do a job effectively if too little light is available to see (or, indeed, if too much light is present); similarly, ambient noise levels which are too high are likely to lead to missed warning signals, and very cold environmental temperatures may well cause reductions in manual dexterity. In the same way the quality of the equipment which is to be used can also affect performance: controls which are placed too high to be reached; displays which are unreadable; written instructions which are ambiguous can all lead to increased fatigue and reduced efficiency.

Job Context Factors and Productivity

The previous chapter dealt with the relationship between productivity and aspects of the job itself. Factors such as achievement, recognition and feedback were examined in order to assess their relevance to productivity. In contrast such factors as pay, supervision and so on have been described as context factors. Whilst much work in organisational psychology has focused on content factors, few psychologists would deny the importance of context factors in an understanding of psychological aspects of productivity. In this chapter, therefore, the main context factors will be considered. These are pay, work groups, supervision, participation in decision-making, role strain,organisational structure and climate, and hours of work.

Problems of Organisational Adjustment

So far in this book, the effects of variables on such factors as productivity have been discussed. This chapter will focus on other factors of economic importance to organisations, namely absence and turnover, health problems, and industrial conflict; all aspects of poor organisational adjustment.

Individual Differences and Productivity

One of the arguments often brought against theories in organisational psychology is that they take little account of individual differences. Not everyone, for example, wants fulfilment from his job, and what is wanted by one group of individuals is not necessarily wanted by another. In this chapter, some of the major differences between individuals in relation to productivity will be examined, including age, sex, personality, abilities and racial and cultural differences.

The Job itself and Productivity

In the last chapter it was noted that many writers, such as Herzberg (1966), regard the key to motivating individuals to work to be in making the job itself more worthwhile. Where the individual sees the job as being worthwhile he will become motivated from within, rather than requiring increased external rewards such as money. Whilst the importance of extrinsic rewards will be considered in Chapter 4, this chapter will look at these aspects of the job itself which have been shown to be important in relation to productivity.The topics considered in this chapter are success, achievement and goal-setting, recognition, feedback, the application of skill and job involvement.

Introduction and Historical Background

As our whole society depends for its well-being on the mass production of a vast range of goods and services, it is clear that understanding how production can be made more efficient is of considerable importance to everyone, regardless of whether they are employers, employees or consumers of the products of organisations.

'Coding' in Studies of Acoustic and Semantic Interference and Confusion

One of the main lines of evidence claimed to support a distinction between shortand long-term memory systems comes from the studies of immediate memory showing that acoustically related sequences are less well recalled than are semantically related sequences or nonrelated sequences (Baddeley, 1966a). From this evidence it is concluded that semantic coding does not occur in short-term memory. It was also concluded by Baddeley (1966b), on the basis of experiments on the effects of acoustic and semantic similarity of items on long-term retention, that acoustic coding is confined to short-term memory. Two questions arise from this type of experiment. What is meant by coding? And what conclusions about coding can be drawn from experiments on interference and confusion effects?