Michael McDonald Hall

The Clarté group in Brazil

The idea of an ) provoked enthusiasm in a number of countries toward the end of the First World War (1). The origins of the project go back at least to the efforts of Romain Rolland in 1916-1917 to rally intellectuals against war. After considerable negotiation, the Clarte organization was finally launched in 1919, by Henr; Barbusse, Raymond Lefebvre, Paul Vaillant-Couturier, and others, with the support of a distinguished list of intellectuals from various countries. The initial program was a mixture of pacifism, rationalism, and internationalism, which sought to bring about a > through its review and the activities of its affiliated groups throughout the world. However, over the course of 1920, Barbusse and many in the French organization moved much closer to the positions of the Third International. Even so, Barbusse always insisted that Clarte was not a party> and that it should maintain a certain distance from partisan concerns. In February, 1921, the French Clarte split, with the pacifists, liberals, and socialists leaving, and a communist group taking control. Barbusse remained in the organization until 1923, though rather distant from its new orientation. In fact, he never entirely abandoned his original proposal of an international rallying ground for intellectuals) arld in 1928 founded another review, Monde, which had something of the same intention (2). Outside France, the Clarte groups varied zvidely, and few have been thoroughly studied (3). In Italy, the group was composed largely of Giolittians and Catholic moderates, attracted by the humanitarianism, pacifism, and internationalism of Barbusses 1919 proposals. lShey did not accompany Barbusse in his growing sympathy toward the Third International, and the Italian group remained largely a paper organization, << little more than a generous pro-

The Labor Policies of the Lula Government

One of the mysteries of Brazilian politics has been the survival of the Vargas-era system of labor relations into the twenty-first century.1 It has practically no open defenders, though there are some who see positive aspects to one or another of its features. Yet, the system has survived virtually intact through dictatorships and democracy, governments of Left and Right, two “democratic transitions,” and enormous economic and social changes over more than 60 years.