Mina Weinstein-Evron

Holocene sea-level changes based on submerged archaeological sites off the northern Carmel coast in Israel

Abstract A series of submerged archaeological sites found on the continental shelf between Haifa and Atlit indicate a continuous marine transgression between 8000 and 1500 yr B.P. The sites are embedded in the upper part of a marshy clay that fills the trough between the coastal aeolianite (kurkar) ridge and a ridge now submerged some 1000 to 1500 m to the west. The submerged prehistoric sites belong to two main chronological units: Prepottery Neolithic B (8000 yr B.P.) and late Neolithic (ca. 6500 yr B.P.); these were found at depths of 12 to 8 m and 5 to 0 m, respectively. Bronze Age and Byzantine anchors were found at depths of 5 to 3 m and 4 to 1.8 m, respectively. As the archaeological materials are firmly dated, we can reconstruct the rate of marine transgression from 8000 yr B.P. to the present and the eastward movement of settlements through time as related to the transgression.

Dating the Lower to Middle Paleolithic transition in the Levant: A view from Misliya Cave, Mount Carmel, Israel

The transition from the Lower to the Middle Paleolithic in the Levant is a crucial event in human evolution, since it may involve the arrival of a new human population. In the current study, we present thermoluminescence (TL) dates obtained from 32 burnt flints retrieved from the late Lower Paleolithic (Acheulo-Yabrudian) and Early Middle Paleolithic (Mousterian) layers of Misliya Cave, Mount Carmel, Israel. Early Middle Paleolithic industries rich in Levallois and laminar products were assigned mean ages ranging from ~250 to ~160 ka (thousands of years ago), suggesting a production of this industry during MIS 7 and the early part of MIS 6. The mean ages obtained for the samples associated with the Acheulo-Yabrudian (strengthened by an isochron analysis) indicate a production of this cultural complex ~250 ka ago, at the end of MIS 8. According to the Misliya TL dates, the transition from the Lower to the Middle Paleolithic in the site took place at the limit MIS 8/7 or during the early part of MIS 7. The dates, together with the pronounced differences in lithic technology strongly suggest the arrival of a new population during this period.

A LATE QUATERNARY PALEOENVIRONMENTAL SEQUENCE FROM DOR, CARMEL COASTAL PLAIN, ISRAEL

Abstract The 10.5 m deep “D-Dor” core was taken at Dor (Tantura Lagoon), on the Carmel coastal plain, Israel. The established chrono-stratigraphic sequence (based on x-ray radiographs, and both luminescence and radiocarbon dating) covers the last about 26,000 years. It provides the paleoenvironmental framework for the transition from hunter–gathering to agriculture in the Levant. Three clay units were identified, overlying kurkar (calcareous sandstone) and covered by 6.3 m of sand. The bottom clay unit is a paleosol. Pollen was not preserved in this unit. Gray clay (the top of which was dated to about 12,000 cal. YBP) was deposited, overlying the paleosol, in a wetland environment. Pollen was preserved only in the upper part of this unit. It indicates a slightly drier climate than todays, probably correlative with the Younger Dryas. At the beginning of the Holocene, between 10,300 and 9,550 cal. YBP, a new marsh originated, depositing dark clay. High concentrations of well-preserved pollen allowed the reconstruction of several fluctuations in humidity. When the marsh was first formed, precipitation was higher than today, and oak maquis was more extensive in the area. The date of the earliest submerged Pre-Pottery Neolithic settlement embedded in its upper part indicates that the marsh dried out no later than 9,400–8,550 cal. YBP. Around 5,000 years ago, long after the Early Holocene marsh had dried up, sand began to accumulate in the region as a consequence of the Holocene sea level rise, covering several submerged Neolithic settlements off the Carmel coast.

The earliest modern humans outside Africa

Earliest modern humans out of Africa Recent paleoanthropological studies have suggested that modern humans migrated from Africa as early as the beginning of the Late Pleistocene, 120,000 years ago. Hershkovitz et al. now suggest that early modern humans were already present outside of Africa more than 55,000 years earlier (see the Perspective by Stringer and Galway-Witham). During excavations of sediments at Mount Carmel, Israel, they found a fossil of a mouth part, a left hemimaxilla, with almost complete dentition. The sediments contain a series of well-defined hearths and a rich stone-based industry, as well as abundant animal remains. Analysis of the human remains, and dating of the site and the fossil itself, indicate a likely age of at least 177,000 years for the fossil—making it the oldest member of the Homo sapiens clade found outside Africa. Science, this issue p. 456; see also p. 389 Fossilized mouthparts indicate the presence of Homo sapiens in the Levant 160,000 years ago. To date, the earliest modern human fossils found outside of Africa are dated to around 90,000 to 120,000 years ago at the Levantine sites of Skhul and Qafzeh. A maxilla and associated dentition recently discovered at Misliya Cave, Israel, was dated to 177,000 to 194,000 years ago, suggesting that members of the Homo sapiens clade left Africa earlier than previously thought. This finding changes our view on modern human dispersal and is consistent with recent genetic studies, which have posited the possibility of an earlier dispersal of Homo sapiens around 220,000 years ago. The Misliya maxilla is associated with full-fledged Levallois technology in the Levant, suggesting that the emergence of this technology is linked to the appearance of Homo sapiens in the region, as has been documented in Africa.

Purpose, Permanence, and Perception of 14,000-Year-Old Architecture: Contextual Taphonomy of Food Refuse

Remains of early architecture at the Epipaleolithic-Neolithic transition of the Near East are commonly evaluated by means of two criteria: structure size and permanent interior features or decorations. Less attention has been given to associated refuse, which could be the key for discerning the role of architectural space in the lives and minds of the last hunter-gatherers. We consider this dimension by modeling the deposition of animal remains in an Early Natufian (ca. 14,000 cal BP) architectural complex at the el-Wad Terrace (Mount Carmel, Israel). Contextual taphonomy shows that a sequence of structures was used for everyday living activities, including food preparation and consumption—probably at the household level—as well as bone working. Despite the relatively permanent habitation, reflected by repeatedly renovated stone architecture, a broad-spectrum economy, and the infliction of heavy habitation damage to in situ refuse, the inhabitants did not systematically engage in the clearing away of organic trash or otherwise marking out their domicile. The perception of the house was probably still “Paleolithic” and functional in character, highlighting the complex mosaic of old and new traits in the preagricultural communities of the Levant.

Palynology of Pleistocene travertines from the Arava Valley, Israel

Abstract Pollen samples from the Arava travertines, dated to oxygen isotope stages 5 and 7, show relatively high arboreal pollen levels. These spectra are probably a result of an expansion of the Mediterranean maquis in Transjordan, which indicates periods of wetter climatic conditions. These periods probably represent humid fluctuations within stages 5 and 7.

Predetermined Flake Production at the Lower/Middle Paleolithic Boundary: Yabrudian Scraper-Blank Technology

While predetermined débitage technologies are recognized beginning with the middle Acheulian, the Middle Paleolithic is usually associated with a sharp increase in their use. A study of scraper-blank technology from three Yabrudian assemblages retrieved from the early part of the Acheulo-Yabrudian complex of Tabun Cave (ca. 415–320 kyr) demonstrates a calculated and preplanned production, even if it does not show the same complexity and elaboration as in the Levallois technology. These scraper dominated assemblages show an organization of production based on an intensive use of predetermination blank technology already in place at the end of the Lower Paleolithic of the Levant. These results provide a novel perspective on the differences and similarities between the Lower and Middle Paleolithic industries. We suggest that there was a change in the paradigm in the way hominins exploited stone tools: in many Middle Paleolithic assemblages the potential of the stone tools for hafting was a central feature, in the Lower Paleolithic ergonometric considerations of manual prehension were central to the design of blanks and tools.

Comment on “Holocene tsunamis from Mount Etna and the fate of Israeli Neolithic communities” by Maria Teresa Pareschi, Enzo Boschi, and Massimiliano Favalli

[1] Pareschi et al. [2007] (hereafter referred to as PBF07) suggested that the tsunami generated by the collapse of Mount Etna ca. 8,300 yr B.P., destroyed the Neolithic village of Atlit-Yam on the Israeli coast. The main issues raised by PBF07 are examined here as they relate to finds from the site, as well as from other inland Neolithic sites from the Levant. [2] Pareschi et al. [2006] first suggested that the tsunami occurred ca. 8,000–7,500 yr B.P. and later PBF07 shifted the date to 8,300 yr B.P, but no explanation for this shift was offered. If the tsunami occurred at 8,000–7,500 yr B.P., then sediments from Water Well 11 which date to 8,370– 8,210 yr B.P. (Figure 1) (but which are said to be tsunami related according to PBF07) would have actually pre-dated the assumed tsunami. (All dates are calibrated years B.P., groups of dates from the same structure were averaged with ±1sigma. Dating by E. Boaretto, Radio-carbon Dating Laboratory, Weizmann I nstitute, Israel.) Simi lar sediments from Water Well 66 dated to 8,640–8,540 yr B.P. [Galili et al., 2002] and the concentrations of fish bones and wheat from Locus 10/A dated to 8,425–8,360 yr B.P. also pre-date the tsunami (Figure 1). Alternately, if the tsunami destroyed the village in 8,300 yr B.P. (PBF07), how can the settlement exhibit an uninterrupted sequence of occupation from ca. 9,400 to 8,000 yr B.P.? [Galili et al., 2002] (Figure 1). The same argument applies to the more recent proposed Etna cone collapse of 7,590 ± 130 B.P. [Calvari and Groppelli, 1996]. As noted above, this event also post-dates many of the so-called ‘tsunami features’ identified by PBF07. The end of the occupation of Atlit-Yam ca. 8,000 BP, clearly relates to a well-documented Mediterranean sea level rise following the end of the last glaciation [Bard et al., 1996; Galili et al., 2005a]. [3] The human skeletal pathologies identified at AtlitYam are mainly associated with infectious diseases resulting from chronic health problems and dental diseases, and are not associated with natural disaster. ‘‘Fresh’’ injuries relating to trauma, which are expected to be found on victims of such a violent event, were not detected. Loss of teeth and partially burnt bones, both features specified by PBF07 as tsunami related, are in fact common in Neolithic human osteological assemblages in the region [Hershkovitz and Galili, 1990]. [4] Burial practices at Atlit-Yam were similar to those identified in other Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN) sites in the Levant. Most of the human skeletal material was recovered from formally prepared graves with the deceased interred in a flexed position [Galili et al., 2005b]. Isolated bones were found throughout the site but represent primary graves disturbed in antiquity by human activities such as building, as well as more recent marine agents. Such isolated human bones are common in other submerged Pottery Neolithic (PN) sites [Galili et al., 1998], as well as terrestrial PPN sites. [5] In all features the faunal assemblage resembles that reported for neighboring submerged PN sites [Horwitz et al., 2006] and other Levantine PPN sites. It clearly differs from assemblages that have undergone sudden and violent catastrophes, where animal bones are usually found in anatomical articulation [Lyman, 1994]. About half of the animal bones bear cut marks attesting to intentional butchery, which in turn indicates that they represent food refuse and not natural mortalities. Moreover, the species and age distribution of animals does not resemble that expected for a catastrophic population, but points to selection and management of a limited range of taxa for meat production [Horwitz and Tchernov, 1987; Galili et al., 1993]. [6] The concentrations of fish bones and cereal grains, cited by PBF07 as evidence for the sudden abandonment of the site, differ in nature and each appears to have accumulated at a different time [Galili et al., 2004]. Such food concentrations have been reported from terrestrial PPN villages in the southern Levant and represent food stores that had not been consumed. [7] The use of abandoned installations and water wells as garbage pits is a common phenomenon in prehistoric sites throughout the Eastern Mediterranean (e.g., Mylouthkia, GEOPHYSICAL RESEARCH LETTERS, VOL. 35, L08311, doi:10.1029/2008GL033445, 2008 Click Here for Full Article

14,000-year-old seeds indicate the Levantine origin of the lost progenitor of faba bean

The understanding of crop domestication is dependent on tracking the original geographical distribution of wild relatives. The faba bean (Vicia faba L.) is economically important in many countries around the world; nevertheless, its origin has been debated because its ancestor could not be securely identified. Recent investigations in the site of el-Wad (Mount Carmel, Israel), provide the first and, so far, only remains of the lost ancestor of faba bean. X-ray CT scan analysis of the faba beans provides the first set of measurements of the biometry of this species before its domestication. The presence of wild specimens in Mount Carmel, 14,000 years ago, supports that the wild variety grew nearby in the Lower Galilee where the first domestication was documented for Neolithic farmers 10,200 years ago.

Projectile Damage and Point Morphometry at the Early Middle Paleolithic Misliya Cave, Mount Carmel (Israel): Preliminary Results and Interpretations

This contribution presents analyses of projectile damage and morpho-metric characteristics of various point types from the Early Middle Paleolithic Misliya Cave, Mount Carmel, Israel. All the types present in the assemblage exhibit diagnostic impact fractures. Four types, i.e., Levallois points, Abu Sif points, Hummal points and the newly defined Misliya points appear to be the most frequently used as tips of hunting weapons. These four types differ in their morpho-metric characteristics, as well as in terms of the frequencies of diagnostic impact fractures. We suggest that the variability in points may reflect the use of different kinds of weapons, including composite projectiles – a possibility supported by the faunal evidence from Levantine MP sites and Misliya Cave, in particular. Whether the diversity in point types and sizes reflects use in different kinds of hunting weapons or variability within the same kind, the study can contribute significantly to our understanding of the technological and subsistence transformations associated with the emergence of the Middle Paleolithic in the Levant.