Naama Friedmann

Tense and Agreement in Agrammatic Production: Pruning the Syntactic Tree

This paper discusses the description of agrammatic production focusing on the verbal inflectional morphology. Agrammatism in Hebrew is investigated through an experiment with a patient who displays a highly selective impairment: agreement inflection is completely intact, but tense inflection, use of copula, and embedded structures are severely impaired. A retrospective examination of the literature shows that our findings are corroborated by others. A selective account of the agrammatic production deficiency is proposed, according to which only a subclass of the functional syntactic categories is impaired in this syndrome. The consequence of this deficit is the pruning of the syntactic phrase marker of agrammatic patients, which impairs performance from the impaired node and higher. These findings also bear upon central issues in linguistic theories, particularly that of Pollock (1989), regarding split inflection.

The acquisition of relative clause comprehension in Hebrew: a study of SLI and normal development.

Comprehension of relative clauses was assessed in 10 Hebrew-speaking school-age children with syntactic SLI and in two groups of younger children with normal language development. Comprehension of subject- and object-relatives was assessed using a binary sentence-picture matching task. The findings were that while Hebrew-speaking children with normal development comprehend right-branching object relatives around the age of 6 ; 0, children with syntactic SLI are still at chance level in object relatives by age 11 ; 0. The four-year-olds were also at chance on object relatives. Comprehension of subject relatives was good in the SLI group, similar to the six-year-olds, and significantly better than the four-year-olds. The syntactic impairment is interpreted as a selective deficit to non-canonical sentences that are derived by movement.

Sentence comprehension and working memory limitation in aphasia: A dissociation between semantic-syntactic and phonological reactivation

The relation between working memory (WM) limitation and sentence comprehension was assessed in Hebrew-speaking aphasics, three conduction aphasics and three agrammatics. The study compared sentences that required different types of reactivation-syntactic-semantic reactivation, in relative clauses, and word form/phonological reactivation, in sentences with reanalysis of lexical ambiguity. The effect of phonological memory load, manipulated by number of words intervening between the activation and the reactivation, on comprehension of the two sentence types was examined. The findings were that agrammatic aphasics failed in the comprehension of object relatives but not on subject relatives irrespective of their antecedent-gap distance. Conduction aphasics, on the other hand, who showed severe WM limitation, comprehended well all types of relative clauses and were unaffected by antecedent-gap distance. The conduction aphasics failed to understand the sentences that required phonological reactivation when the phonological distance was long. These results suggest that the type of reactivation required by the sentence, as well as the type of memory overload are crucial in determining the effect of WM limitation on sentence comprehension.

Agrammatism and the Psychological Reality of the Syntactic Tree

Syntactic trees, or phrase markers, have originally been suggested as a representation of syntax in the mind based on purely linguistic grounds. In this paper, the psychological reality of syntactic trees and hierarchical ordering is explored from another perspective—that of the neuropsychology of language breakdown. The study reported here examined several syntactic domains that rely on different nodes in the tree—tense and agreement verb inflection, subordinations, interrogatives, and verb movement, through a study of 14 Hebrew- and Palestinian Arabic-speaking agrammatic aphasics and perusal of the cross-linguistic literature. The results show that the impairment in agrammatic production is highly selective and lends itself to characterization in terms of a deficit in the syntactic tree. The complex pattern of dissociations follows from one underlying deficit—the inaccessibility of high nodes of the syntactic tree to agrammatic speakers. Structures that relate to high nodes of the tree are impaired, while “lower” structures are spared.

The production of relative clauses in syntactic SLI: A window to the nature of the impairment

The study explored the ability of children with syntactic SLI (S-SLI) to produce relative clauses, using two structured elicitation tasks. A preference task and a picture description task were used to elicit subject and object relative clauses. The participants were 18 Hebrew-speaking children with S-SLI aged 9;3 – 14;6, and the control group included 28 typically developing children aged 7;6 – 11;0. The rate of target responses as well as the types of other responses the S-SLI group produced were analysed and compared to the control group. The results of both tasks indicated that the children with S-SLI had a deficit in the production of object relatives. Their production of subject relatives was better, though below the performance of the control group. Several response types were used exclusively by the S-SLI group: avoidance of object relatives and production of subject relatives and simple sentences instead, thematic role errors and thematic role reduction. Importantly, the S-SLI children did not omit complementizers, nor did they make other structural errors. These results suggest that the deficit is related to thematic role assignment to moved constituents, and not to a structural deficit in embedding.

Letter Position Dyslexia

Many word-reading models assume that the early stages of reading involve a separate process of letter position encoding. However, neuropsychological evidence for the existence and selectivity of this function has been rather indirect, coming mainly from position preservation in migrations between words in attentional dyslexia, and from nonselective reading deficits. No pure demonstration of selective impairment of letter position function has yet been made. In this paper two Hebrew-speaking acquired dyslexic patients with occipito-parietal lesions are presented who suffer from a highly selective deficit to letter position encoding. As a result of this deficit, they predominantly make errors of letter migration within words (such as reading “broad” for “board”) in a wide variety of tasks: oral reading, lexical decision, same-different decision, and letter location. The deficit is specific to orthographic material, and is manifested mainly in medial letter positions. The implications of the findings to models of reading and attention are discussed.

Is the movement deficit in syntactic SLI related to traces or to thematic role transfer

Children with Syntactic Specific Language Impairment (S-SLI) have difficulties understanding object relative clauses, which have been ascribed to a deficit in syntactic movement. The current study explores the nature of the deficit in movement, and specifically whether it is related to a deficit in the construction of syntactic structure and traces, or whether the structure is constructed correctly but the transfer of thematic roles from the trace is impaired. This question was addressed using reading aloud and paraphrasing of object relatives that included noun-verb heterophonic homographs after the trace. Because the correct reading of homographs as noun or verb critically hinges on the identification of their syntactic position, readers who cannot construct traces are expected to read homographs incorporated after the trace incorrectly. The participants were 15 Hebrew-speaking children aged 9.3 to 14.6 with S-SLI and 50 typically developing children. The children with S-SLI read the homographs after the trace correctly but failed to interpret the object relatives, making thematic role errors. The results suggest that in S-SLI, at least for school-aged children, syntactic structure and traces are created, but the assignment of thematic roles from the trace to the moved element is impaired, leading to a deficit in the comprehension of movement-derived sentences.

Developmental letter position dyslexia.

Letter position dyslexia (LPD) is a peripheral dyslexia that causes errors of letter order within words. So far, only cases of acquired LPD have been reported. This study presents selective LPD in its developmental form, via the testing of II Hebrew-speaking individuals with developmental dyslexia. The study explores the types of errors and effects on reading in this dyslexia, using a variety of tests: reading aloud, lexical decision, same-different decision, definition and letter naming. The findings indicate that individuals with developmental LPD have a deficit in the letter position encoding function of the orthographic visual analyser, which leads to underspecification of letter position within words. Letter position errors occur mainly in adjacent middle letters, when the error creates another existing word. The participants did not show an output deficit or phonemic awareness deficit. The selectivity of the deficit, causing letter position errors but no letter identity errors and no migrations between words, supports the existence of letter position encoding function as separate from letter identification and letter-to-word binding.

Developmental attentional dyslexia

Attentional dyslexia is a reading deficit in which letters migrate between neighboring words, but are correctly identified and keep their correct relative position within the word. Thus, for example, fig tree can be read as fig free or even tie free. This study reports on 10 Hebrew-speaking individuals with developmental attentional dyslexia and explores in detail the characteristics of their between-word errors. Each participant read 2290 words, presented in word pairs: 845 horizontally presented word pairs, 240 vertically presented word pairs, and 60 nonword pairs. The main results are that almost all migrations preserve the relative position of the migrating letter within the word, indicating that the between-word position can be impaired while the within-word position encoding remains intact. This result is also supported by the finding that the participants did not make many letter position errors within words. Further analyses indicated that more errors occur in longer words, that most migrations occur in final letters (which are the leftmost letters in Hebrew), and that letters migrate both horizontally and vertically, and more frequently from the first to the second word in horizontal presentation. More migrations occurred when the result of migration was an existing word. Similarity between words in a pair did not increase error rates, and more migrations occurred when the words shared fewer letters. The between-word errors included the classic errors of migration of a letter between words, but also omission of one instance of a letter that appeared in the same position in the two words, an error that constituted a considerable percentage of the between-word errors, and intrusion of a letter from one word to the corresponding position in the neighboring word without erasing the original letter in the same position.

Treatment of syntactic movement in syntactic SLI: A case study:

We describe a study of syntactic intervention administered to a 12;2-year-old individual with syntactic SLI, who had difficulties in the comprehension and production of structures containing syntactic movement such as relative clauses, object questions, topicalization sentences, and sentences with verb movement. The intervention, comprised of 16 sessions, was based on syntactic theory and included explicit teaching of syntactic movement, relying on a type of syntactic knowledge that was intact — the argument structure of the verb. The participants performance was assessed before and after treatment, and for some of the tests also during the treatment and 10 months later. The performance was assessed using various tasks that targeted comprehension, repetition and elicitation of semantically reversible sentences. Following treatment, the participants performance on all structures with syntactic movement showed substantial improvement compared with baseline, in many of the tasks reaching the performance of the age-matched control group. Treatment of phrasal movement resulted not only in improvement in treated structures, but also in generalization to untrained structures: although phrasal movement was only treated directly for relative clauses and topicalization structures, the comprehension of object Wh-questions, which also include phrasal movement, improved as well. The high performance level was maintained 10 months after the treatment.