Natalie Masuoka

Asian American Identity: Shared Racial Status and Political Context

Amidst rising levels of ethnic diversity in the United States, scholars struggle to understand how group consciousness functions among other non-black minority groups such as Asian Americans and Latinos. Most of the literature in this area focuses on the relationship between identity and immigration incorporation or the debate between national origin and panethnicity. We argue that the Asian American community offers an important case study to understand how social context and ones perceived racial position influence an individuals sense of group attachment. Thus, the Asian American case presents new insight beyond the black politics model into how racial identification influences individual political attitudes and behavior. We present findings from a unique embedded survey experiment conducted in 2004 that reveals a surprising degree of malleability in Asian American racial group attachment. This is a striking contrast to the findings demonstrated by blacks whose racial identification is relatively more stable over various contexts. We seek to explain these findings by advocating for a more explicit consideration of the structural incentives and costs of adopting racial and ethnic identities by highlighting the significance of U.S. immigration policy and its role in creating group-based stereotypes and racial tropes.

Brown-Utility Heuristic? The Presence and Contributing Factors of Latino Linked Fate

In an electoral system governed by the plurality rule, those groups who wield the greatest amount of power in the United States are those who vote as a cohesive bloc. Although the size of the Latino population is growing, it is unclear whether all Latinos perceive a shared collective identity that will be exercised in the political realm. This study uses the Latino National Survey, a nationally representative telephone survey of 8,600 Latino adults, to examine how individual Latinos perceive their personal fates and the fate of their national origin group with the larger panethnic community. The authors utilize ordered logistic regression analysis to test their hypotheses regarding the impact of immigration experiences, race, and socioeconomic status on Latino linked fate. Results suggest that linked fate for Latinos may be a temporary phenomenon, as linked fate for Latinos appears to be based on marginalization derived from economic status and immigration experiences.

Defining the Group: Latino Identity and Political Participation

Latinos can opt for many different forms of ethnic group identity, ranging from that based on national origin to that based on a racialized non-White status. Unclear, however, is which of these forms of group identity is the most relevant to politics. The purpose of this study is twofold: to examine the different forms of Latino group consciousness and to uncover the relationship of each with political participation. This article outlines the three major forms of Latino group consciousness: national origin, panethnic, and racial. Ordered logistic and logistic models are used to determine the factors that predict strong identification with each form of group consciousness and the impact of those forms of consciousness on political participation. Although Latinos are more likely to evoke national origin or panethnic identities, racial identities are those that most strongly encourage political participation.

The Political Science 400: A 20-Year Update

T his essay is the first of a planned three-part series dealing with quantitative indicators of continuity and change in the political science discipline, focusing on the period since 1960. The series is inspired by the work of Somit and Tanenhaus ~1967! which presented reputational rankings of both departments and individuals. For this series of essays, we created a unique database in which we recorded cumulative citation counts between 1960–2005 for all regular faculty members of U.S. Ph.D.-granting institutions ca. 2002. In addition to identifying the department at which the individuals in this data set are presently employed, we have also collected information on their date of Ph.D. and the institution from which their Ph.D. was awarded. In this essay, we identify the 400 most-cited scholars who ~ca. 2002! were teaching in political science graduate departments in the U.S., breaking down this data by subfield, by cohort, and by gender. In the next paper of the series, to be published in the April 2007 issue of PS, we explore the history of the discipline in quantitative terms by examining the changes in departmental Ph.D. production and placement rates over the last century and look at patterns of crossdepartmental hiring. Paper three of the series, to be published in the July 2007 issue of PS, compares various ranking approaches in order to examine the visibility and impact of Ph.D.-granting departments. In that essay, we incorporate both the citation count data presented in this current paper and the placement data from the second paper into a multivariate model to predict departmental reputation.

Identities in Context: Politicized Racial Group Consciousness Among Asian American and Latino Youth

This article examines the role of context on the mobilization of politicized racial group consciousness among Asian American and Latino youth. We investigate group membership by analyzing face-to-face interview data with Latino and Asian American youth in New York and California on their responses to questions about the meaning of their race and ethnicity to politics. Next, we use survey data from a nationally representative sample of Asian American and Latino youth taken during the 2004 election. We also analyze the extent to which the contextual circumstances of systematic exposure to an experimental frame prompting racial and ethnic group pride influence racial group consciousness. The data help to illuminate the extent to which racial and ethnic identities of Asian American and Latino youth are manifest in their unique political contexts.

Social Networks in Political Science: Hiring and Placement of Ph.D.s, 1960–2002

Drawing on recent methodological advances, we examine the social network of political science department placements. This network permits us to estimate simultaneously 1) how well departments place their own students and 2) how effective they are in hiring students from other institutions. Using data collected by Masuoka, Grofman and Feld (2006a, b) on U.S. Ph.D. granting institutions, we provide visualizations of the connectivity among 132 departments as a social network graph in which core and periphery departments can be identified. We also show how this network has changed over time. The new social network measures conform closely to qualitative expert rankings and show that a departments placement record contributes more to its prestige than a departments ability to hire and retain faculty from core institutions.

The “Multiracial” Option: Social Group Identity and Changing Patterns of Racial Categorization

This article focuses on a new and growing trend in the United States: multiracial (or mixed race) identification. Multiracial self-identification forces us to consider that the norms of racial identification are shifting in which Americans perceive greater individual agency in how they choose to racially identify compared to the choices offered in the past. Given this, is the willingness to identify as multiracial a proxy for changing political attitudes about American race relations? Using a unique data set that includes multiple measures of racial identification, this article examines the individual-level determinants that predict who is willing to self-identify as multiracial and the political consequences of this identity. This research demonstrates the complexity of racial identification today as well as the need to reconsider how race is measured in public opinion surveys. Most importantly, the data demonstrate that those who self-identify as multiracial hold different racial attitudes than those who do not.

Ranking Departments: A Comparison of Alternative Approaches

There are many different ways to develop rankings of Ph.D.-granting academic departments. Perhaps the most common method is reputational: we simply ask knowledgeable scholars in the discipline to provide their rankings and aggregate these in some fashion. Other ways involve more “objective indicators.” But, of course, departments have multiple attributes, e.g., we might be interested in how good a department is as a place to get a Ph.D., or we might be interested simply in the research record of its faculty, etc. Thus, we might want to use different indicators to measure different aspects of the department.

A Review of “Boundaries of Obligation in American Politics: Geographic, National and Racial Communities”

3. Barry R. Posen, “The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict,” Survival 35(1): 27–47 (1993); Laure Paquette, Strategy and Ethnic Conflict: A Method, Theory and Case Study (Abingdon, UK/ Santa Barbara, US: Praeger, 2002); Monica Duffy Toft,The Geography of Ethnic Violence: Identity, Interests, and the Indivisibility of Territory (Princenton, NJ: Princenton University Press, 2003). 4. Alexander L. George, Forceful Persuasion: Coercive Diplomacy as an Alternative to War (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1991); Alexander L. George, Avoiding War: Problems of Crisis Management (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991); Mark Sullivan, The Mechanisms for Strategic Coercion: Denial or Second Order Change? (US Maxwell Air Force Base, AL: Air University Press, 1995). 5. Peter Viggo Jakobsen, Western Use of Coercive Diplomacy after the Cold War: A Challenge for Theory and Practice (Houndsmill/London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1998); Robert J. Art, United States and Coercive Diplomacy: Past, Present (Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace Press, 2003); M. Berger, “How Resisting Democracies Can Defeat Substate Terrorism: Formulating a Theoretical Framework for Strategic Coercion against Nationalistic Substate Terrorist Organizations” (Doctoral Thesis, St Andrews University, 2009). 6. The literature on “greed” and “depredation” is extensive; here follow just some of the works which Koktsidis has consulted and used: Paul Collier, “Doing Well out of War: An Economic Perspective,” in Mats Berdal and David M. Malone, eds., Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2000); Paul Collier and Nicholas Sambanis, “Understanding Civil War: A New Agenda,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 46(1): 3–12 (2002); Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler, “Greed and Grievance in Civil War,” Oxford Economic Papers 56(4): 563–595 (2004). 7. Mary Kaldor, New and Old Wars: Organized Violence in a Global Era (Cambridge/Oxford: Polity Press/Blackwell Publishers, 1999); Stathis N. Kalyvas, “‘New’ and ‘Old’ Civil Wars: A Valid Distinction?,” World Politics 54(1): 99–118 (2001). 8. Pavlos I. Koktsidis, Strategic Rebellion: Ethnic Conflict in FYR Macedonia and the Balkans (Oxford/Bern/Berlin/Bruxelles/Frankfurt am Main/New York/Wien: Peter Lang, 2012), 127. 9. Ibid., 29. 10. Ibid., 29. 11. Ibid., 29 12. Ibid., 216.