Newell M. Stultz

Paris, Pretoria, and the African continent : the international relations of states and societies in transition

Preface T.Lodge - Acknowledgements - Notes on the Contributors - Introduction C.Alden & J-P.Daloz - PART 1: FRANCE AND AFRICA: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE - From Policy Autonomy to Policy Integration: The Evolution of Frances Role in Africa C.Alden - End Game South of the Sahara? Frances Africa Policy J-F.Bayart - Africans in France: French Immigration Policy and West Africa C.Quiminal - Algeria and France: The Enduring Strength of Cultural Ties M.Khandriche - PART 2: FRANCE AND SOUTHERN AFRICA - France and South Africa C.Cuddumbey - France and Southern Africa: The Economic Dimension A.Ulpat - Between Peace and War: French Non-Governmental Organizations in Southern Africa M.Kassa - PART 3: SOUTH AFRICA AND FRANCOPHONE AFRICA - Out of Africa: Madagascar and South Africa Since the 1820s G.Campbell - South Africa and the Maghreb: Past, Present and Future K.Lambrechts -Settlers and Natives: The Cases of South Africa and Algeria A.Guelke - PART 4: NEW CONTEXT, NEW DIRECTION? - Frances Policy Towards South Africa in the Transition Period G.Lory - The Changing Image of South Africa in France I.Crouzel - France, the New World Order and the Francophone West African States: Towards a Reconceptualisation of Privileged Relations E.Nwokedi - Towards the Intellectual Marginalization of Africa? J-P.Daloz - Conclusion C.Alden & J-P.Daloz - Selected Bibliography - Index

Interpreting Constitutional Change in South Africa

For more than a decade, the South African Government has tried to suggest that a rethinking of some of the basic tenets of that countrys race policy— apartheid —was not only possible, but was actually underway. Starting with the March 1973 appointment of the Theron Commission to look into the position of the then 2·3 million Coloureds of South Africa (persons of mixed-blood), there have by April 1984 been no fewer than three government-appointed commissions of inquiry, two parliamentary select committees, and three Presidents Council reports—all dealing with such fundamental matters, in addition to the position of the Coloureds, as trade-union rights for blacks, the movement of Africans into urban areas, and—repeatedly—constitutional change.

Crime and policing in post-apartheid South Africa : transforming under fire

Crime trends 1980-97 the victims of crime the nature and extent of organized crime criminal justice under Apartheid the South African police the courts the prison system citizen responses the privatization of criminal justice policy options

Official Language Policies in Multilingual Societies: Evidence from the United States, South Africa, and Canada

An estimate of the total number of the world’s ‘‘living’’ languages in 2005 was 6,912. Since there were concurrently 192 members of the United Nations, it is obvious that very few of these states could be homogeneous, linguistically speaking. Indeed, there may be only one: North Korea. Linguistic pluralism, or heterogeneity, among the world’s countries is thus close to being universal. This paper is concerned with how three particular sovereign states accommodate linguistic pluralism among their peoples in the daily operations of their national, state, and provincial governments. I am especially interested in whether—and, if so, how—two or more languages regularly function as the acknowledged official languages of such governments, or alternately just one language fills this role, or perhaps, legally speaking, none at all do. And then further, I will seek to identify which of various possible contextual ‘‘factors’’ (as I shall refer to them) appear associated with each such result. My three contemporary cases are the United States, Canada, and South Africa. Each is decidedly plural linguistically. The US is listed as having 311 distinct languages spoken within its population of now 301 million persons. One hundred and sixty-two of these languages are indigenous; the remainders are then linguistic ‘‘imports.’’ English obviously is predominant in the US, but the second most

Book reviews/Boekbesprekinge

Geldenhuys, Deon. 1984. THE DIPLOMACY OF ISOLATION: SOUTH AFRICAN FOREIGN POLICY MAKING. Published for the South African Institute of International Affairs by Macmillan, South Africa. Pp. 295. R19–95 + GST. Faure, A.M. en D.J. Kriek (Reds.) 1984. DIE MODERNE POLITIEKE TEORIE. Durban / Pretoria: Butterworth. Pp. 578. R34,00 + AVB Mulder, C. Egges. 1980. TWEE MAAL EUROPA — HANDBOEK VIR DIE EUROPARAAD EN DIE EUROPESE GEMEENSKAP. Pretoria; Van Schaik. Pp. 108. R5,50 + AVB Van Vuuren, D.L., N.E. Wiehahn, J.A. Lombard and N.J. Rhoodie (eds.) 1983. CHANGE IN SOUTH AFRICA Durban/Pretoria: Butterworths. Pp. 483. R27,50 + GST. De Villiers, D.E. Kinghorn, J. en Andere. 1984. OP DIE SKAAL : GEMENGDE HUWELIKE EN ONTUG. Kaapstad: Tafelberg. R10.50 + AVB.

Multi-Racial Voting and Non-Racial Politics in Colonial East and Central Africa

that self-government and independence would lead to their domination by unsympathetic African majorities. These fears were not ignored by the colonial authority, for apart from the political pressures that the minority racial communities were frequently capable of asserting, it was widely believed in Great Britain that the racial minorities were of crucial economic importance to their territories and would be content to remain only if their future security were assured. To provide such assurance, British colonial rule during its terminal stages followed political