Nicola de Jager

No ‘New’ ANC?

The history of the African National Congress (ANC) and the different traditions and ideologies that have intertwined over the years have resulted in a broad-based, eclectic party. The ANCs enduring dominance and widespread support since 1994 as well as its justification of increasing control of state and society is only comprehensible when unravelling these different strands and understanding the influence of these underlying worldviews, which culminate in its national project—the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). As a result, the optimism associated with the demise of former president Thabo Mbeki in 2008 and the hope of a ‘new’ ANC is unfounded. Its history and the three intertwining strands still inform the policies, directions and decisions of the ANC today. The question that is thus posed is: Was the so-called ‘post-Polokwane ANC’ merely a manifestation of one of the traditions, namely, the communist strand, taking the place of pre-eminence over the Africanist strand, which was embodied by Mbeki?The history of the African National Congress (ANC) and the different traditions and ideologies that have intertwined over the years have resulted in a broad-based, eclectic party. The ANCs enduring dominance and widespread support since 1994 as well as its justification of increasing control of state and society is only comprehensible when unravelling these different strands and understanding the influence of these underlying worldviews, which culminate in its national project—the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). As a result, the optimism associated with the demise of former president Thabo Mbeki in 2008 and the hope of a ‘new’ ANC is unfounded. Its history and the three intertwining strands still inform the policies, directions and decisions of the ANC today. The question that is thus posed is: Was the so-called ‘post-Polokwane ANC’ merely a manifestation of one of the traditions, namely, the communist strand, taking the place of pre-eminence over the Africanist strand, which was embodied by Mbeki?

‘Unconditional aid’: Assessing the impact of China's development assistance to Zimbabwe

Chinas development assistance to Africa has attracted varied criticisms from academics, Western governments and international donor organisations. The main criticisms have been directed at the lack of good governance conditions on its development assistance to African governments and its dealings with countries under sanction or isolation from the international community, owing to poor governance, human rights abuses and/or corruption. Using the case of Zimbabwe in the current period, the impact of Chinas development assistance on its prospects for sustainable development is assessed. Since 2000 Zimbabwe has experienced a crisis of governance leading to socio-economic and political decline. This crisis has arguably been exacerbated by Chinas varied assistance to the Robert Mugabe regime, as well as Chinas protection of the regime in the United Nations Security Council. It is argued that without encouraging good governance, and managing this relationship for the benefit of Zimbabwe, Harare will not see the gains from development assistance that will lead to the sustainable development of Zimbabwe as a whole.

The South African government and the application of co-optive power

Abstract The question of power remains critically important. South Africa provides a salient example of the relevance of soft or co-optive power. This paper investigates the South African governments use of two forms of co-optive power, namely, institutional centralisation and dispositional centralisation. The first refers to the centralising of the state apparatus as evidenced in the reformed Presidency. The second is highlighted in state-society relations as civil society is relegated to the role of implementer of state policy and its political space as an agent of accountability is severely constrained.Abstract The question of power remains critically important. South Africa provides a salient example of the relevance of soft or co-optive power. This paper investigates the South African governments use of two forms of co-optive power, namely, institutional centralisation and dispositional centralisation. The first refers to the centralising of the state apparatus as evidenced in the reformed Presidency. The second is highlighted in state-society relations as civil society is relegated to the role of implementer of state policy and its political space as an agent of accountability is severely constrained.

The influx of Zimbabweans into South Africa: a crisis of governance that spills over

Post-apartheid South Africa has experienced its largest in-flow of migrants since the start of the crisis in Zimbabwe almost two decades ago from which Zimbabwe has yet to recover. This article aims to analyse the origins of the increased influx of Zimbabweans into South Africa, as well as consider the South African governments response. Following an examination of the origins of the crisis, this article argues that while there are multiple dimensions to the crisis, it is ultimately a crisis of governance. It contends that poor policy decisions have negatively impacted on the economy and supports this with Zimbabwes scoring in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance since 2000. The article then attributes the mass exodus of Zimbabweans to the governance crisis and describes the mixed nature of Zimbabwean migration into South Africa since 2000. Thereafter, it analyses the South African governments response towards Zimbabwean migration, which was initially slow and influenced by its foreign policy towards Zimbabwe, which failed to recognize a crisis of governance. It concludes that following the 2013 elections, Zimbabwe may yet slide further backwards and fail to stem the tide of migration.

The changing political culture of the African National Congress

The early elite of the African National Congress (ANC) embraced values of moral improvement, individual responsibility and a sense of social consciousness. The ANC now governs South Africa, but with what appears to be a different set of principles. The current scourge of corruption, increasing state control, coupled with a general lack of service delivery point to behaviour of the ruling party which is inward-looking, self-seeking and self-preserving. Arguing that political culture and its accompanying values and attitudes is a prime motivator of behaviour, the paper seeks to understand the changing political culture of the dominant party. To understand the political culture of the ANC we use interviews with ANC parliamentarians and ANC supporters conducted in 2006–2007 and 2013 as well as an analysis of the ANCs Strategy and Tactics policy documents. We contend that the liberal values of the early elites were never fully embedded, but in their stead is a liberationist culture, where the state is normatively understood to be extensive and embodying the will of the people. We argue, that through the resulting centralized determination of the interests of the people, patronage networks, and diminishing of accountability, a system conducive to corruption and the pursuit of personal interest is created.

Winners, Losers and the Playing Field in Southern Africa's 'Democratic Darlings': Botswana and South Africa Compared

Botswana and South Africa are often hailed as Southern Africas democratic darlings. These democracies, however, occur within the context of dominant party systems; one party dominates over a prolonged period in an ostensibly democratic system. The Botswana Democratic Party has ruled since 1965, while the African National Congress has governed since 1994. This paper aims to ascertain what happens to opposition parties within dominant party systems, using Levitsky and Way [2010. “Why Democracy Needs a Level Playing Field.” Journal of Democracy 21 (1): 57–68] theory of an ‘uneven playing field,’ where democratic competition is undermined less by electoral fraud or repression than by unequal access to state institutions, resources and the media. The leaders of key opposition parties in both countries have been interviewed. It is subsequently argued that opposition parties are weakened by the dominant party system context, and so declaring their elections as ‘fair’ becomes problematic. Despite this, some of the opposition parties have adopted a number of strategies to remain relevant: cooperation, coalition and co-optation.

Towards understanding Botswana and South Africa’s ambivalence to liberal democracy

ABSTRACT Despite their recognised democratic successes, Botswana and South Africa have had ambivalent experiences with liberal democracy. It is contended that they fall somewhere in-between what scholars refer to as electoral and liberal democracies; dominant party systems within Carothers’ ‘gray zone’. Two explanations are offered. The first relates to the underlying political culture of the ruling elite: the liberal democratic values of the founders and early elites of both the African National Congress (ANC) and the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) were never fully embedded; instead, their political cultures were influenced by traditions and ideologies with illiberal values. The second explanation focuses on a key feature of a liberal democracy – restraining of power, namely through encouraging an autonomous civil society and limiting executive access to the state. It is argued that for fear of losing their dominant positions, the ANC and the BDP resist restraints on their access to state power.

Political Radicalism: Responding to the Legitimacy Gap in South Africa

Radicalism is not a new dynamic for South Africa. The 1940s held the potential for political and social reform in South Africa with the promise of a more inclusive approach towards the black majority in the country.

Evaluating the potential of Protestant Christianity to stimulate democracy and good governance in sub-Saharan Africa through the valuing of the individual

ABSTRACT The global distribution of Christians is expected to change by 2050, with the largest proportion of Christians – more than a billion – residing in sub-Saharan Africa. Historical and empirical studies have argued for a positive relationship between the proportion of Christians – Protestants in particular – and the development of liberal democracy. A key explanation for this positive influence is cultural, namely the valuing of the individual. Could the growth in Christianity have the potential to influence democratic development and good governance in the sub-Saharan region? To test our hypotheses – (1) sub-Saharan states with proportionally larger Protestant populations are more likely to have higher levels of democracy and good governance, and (2) sub-Saharan states with growing Protestant populations are more likely to have increasing levels of democracy and good governance – we employ a longitudinal and cross-sectional study (a panel of data) using data from the World Christian Database, Polity IV and the International Country Risk Guide. Our data show that the population share of Protestants is positively related with both levels of and growth in democracy and good governance. With the spread of Protestantism we could expect the future improvement of democracy and governance in the region.The global distribution of Christians is expected to change by 2050, with the largest proportion of Christians – more than a billion – residing in sub-Saharan Africa. Historical and empirical studi...

Book Review: Remaking the ANC: Party change in South Africa and the global South

In 1999 Hermann Giliomee and Charles Simkins edited a book The awkward embrace: One-party domination and democracy in which they prematurely (although certainly with predictive accuracy) located So...