P. L. Howard
Wageningen University and Research Centre
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Veterinary Research Communications | 2004
Andrea Pieroni; P. L. Howard; G. Volpato
Traditional animal health practices are today only rarely used in Europe, as many natural remedies applied for the treatment of animals have been replaced by modern pharmaceuticals. Modern institutionalized veterinary services tend to cover every aspect of animal health care, and influence most of the veterinary practices carried out by shepherds and farmers. However, in some areas, particularly of the Mediterranean, such traditional practices persist. Few ethnoveterinary studies have been conducted in the Mediterranean. In this survey, we analysed the natural remedies that are still in use or were used until very recently to treat animals in central Lucania (inland southern Italy). Plants constitute the mainstay of the folk-veterinary regimen (about 40 preparations), but there are also a few animal- and mineral-derived preparations. Among them, the veterinary use of Cistus incanus, Colutea arborescens, Daphne laureola, and Erigeron acer is reported for the first time. Moreover, the study identified diverse traditional plant nutraceuticals used to improve animal health, as well as the quality of milk and dairy products. An important potential output of this study may be the development of eco-sustainable integrated projects focused on the maintenance of traditional animal breeding and healthcare systems. Pharmacological and toxicological considerations relating to possible applications of the recorded traditional knowledge in modern evidence-based veterinary medicine are also discussed.
Ethnology | 1981
P. Sillitoe; P. L. Howard
An intriguing aspect of crop cultivation among the Wola highlanders of Papua New Guinea is their division of these plants into male and female categories. For them there are some crops which only men may plant and tend, and there are others which only women can cultivate, plus a third category which members of either sex may cultivate. This gender division of crops is found in other Highland New Guinea societies too; it occurs, for instance, among the Melpa (Powell, et gzl. I975:I4), the Maring (Rappaport I968:43, Clarke I97I:I24), the Kapauku (Pospisil I963:I46), and the Enga (Waddell I972:5I). It is noteworthy that these people tend to put the same crops into their male and female categories; such that sugar cane, bananas, and yams are male, while sweet potato, cucurbits, and certain greens are female. The pattern is not entirely consistent, however. Sometimes the same crop is classified as male by some and female by others; for example, taro is a male crop for the Melpa but a female one for the Kapauku. Why do the Wola, and by extension other people throughout the Highlands of New Guinea, categorize their crops in this way? When asked this question the Wola themselves are unable to give an answer. They simply say that this is the way their ancestors did things and so tradition dictates that they should do it. This kind of reply is all too familiar to anthropologists. Is it possible for us to go further and suggest a deeper explanation?
Archive | 2003
L. S. Z. Greenberg; P. L. Howard
Archive | 2003
Andrea Pieroni; P. L. Howard
Women and plants. Gender relations in biodiversity management and conservation | 2003
P. L. Howard
Archive | 2003
F. Ertuğ; P. L. Howard
Archive | 2003
M. Malaza; P. L. Howard
Archive | 2003
Brij Kothari; P. L. Howard
Archive | 2003
Allison Goebel; P. L. Howard
Archive | 2003
M. Wilson; P. L. Howard