Paul Hainsworth
Ulster University
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Archive | 2004
Paul Hainsworth; Carolyn O’Brien; Paul Mitchell
France is a founder member of the European Community (EC) and it is difficult to envisage European integration having seen the light of day without the initial French presence and leadership. But equally, as a country with strong nationalist sentiments, a long history of nationstate construction and an assimilationist-minded imperialism, it is perhaps not surprising to find that pro-integrationist attitudes towards Europe have had to coexist with significant Eurosceptic feelings. This was apparent from the beginning, but the reality of differences over Europe was particularly apparent in more recent times in the 1992 referendum on the Maastricht Treaty. The 1992 campaign and results revealed a France divided in two, with forces on the political right (and, for that matter, the left) lined up in both Euro-camps simultaneously. This article focuses on the Euroscepticism of the right, as illustrated by the main party political strands which campaigned in the 1992 referendum for a ‘no’ vote: namely a distinct form of Gaullist nationalism, championed by political heavyweights such as Philippe Seguin and Charles Pasqua; national-populism, in the form of Jean- Marie Le Pen’s Front National (FN); and – somewhere in between these two forces – Villierism, a maverick political force that made some impact in the 1990s, but whose political future now rests in doubt.
Irish Political Studies | 2010
Paul Hainsworth; Gerard McCann
Abstract The 2009 European election in Northern Ireland saw some noteworthy changes and developments: two of the three successful candidates were female; Sinn Féin topped the Euro‐poll for the first time; the DUP share of the vote, although second in the first ballot of the poll, was badly hit due to the campaign of a disaffected former member. The UUP candidate – replete with newly formed backing from and alliance with David Cameron’s Conservative Party – secured the other seat. In every other previous Euro‐election in Northern Ireland, the DUP had topped the poll. Though it regained its Euro‐seat from Jim Allister, it did so at a price. The TUV leader performed embarrassingly well against his former party, not least in North Antrim where he now openly coveted the Westminster seat of retiring DUP heavyweight Ian Paisley.
Irish Political Studies | 2004
Paul Hainsworth
Northern Ireland is a single European constituency area, with three seats, elected every five years by proportional representation via the single transferable vote. As a rule, European elections are not occasions for change in Northern Ireland. Between 1979 and June 2004, only four individuals had been elected from this Euro-constituency to the European Parliament (EP). Two of these, the Reverend Ian Paisley, leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), and John Hume, former leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), had been elected and re-elected continuously since 1979. The other two individuals, John Taylor (the current Lord Kilclooney) and Jim Nicholson, had both been elected for the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), in 1979–1989 and 1989–2004 respectively. However, change was on the cards in June 2004, with Paisley and Hume standing down to allow other, younger party members to contest the election. Moreover, with successes in the local and (Stormont) Assembly elections in 2003, Sinn Féin (SF) was very much in the ascendancy within the broad Irish nationalist electorate in Northern Ireland. Thus, its June 2004 candidate was clearly in the running to win, for the first time, one of the three seats available.
Irish Political Studies | 2017
Gerard McCann; Paul Hainsworth
ABSTRACT The 2016 referendum in Northern Ireland on the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Union took place in the familiar context of historic and political divides. At the same time, perspectives on European integration, long-standing and evolving, were to the fore as political parties, lobby groups and various organisations campaigned around key issues such as the economic impact, migration, sovereignty, North–South relations, the reintroduction of a ‘hard’ border and the EU budget. The Remain campaigners in Northern Ireland were successful in winning the overall majority of votes cast but they found themselves on the losing side of the overall UK result. With a 62.69 per cent turnout, the outcome in Northern Ireland saw 55.8 per cent voting to remain and 44.2 per cent voting for the UK to leave the EU. This article draws on campaign literature, party activity, media coverage, governmental and specialist reports to assess the run up to, the result and the aftermath of the vote in Northern Ireland.
Irish Political Studies | 2014
Paul Hainsworth; Gerard McCann
Abstract The 2014 European election in Northern Ireland, while containing a greater field of candidates than ever before, returned the three sitting Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) without too much disruption to the status quo. Sinn Féin (SF) topped the poll with their candidate Martina Anderson increasing the partys vote and the Democratic Unionist Partys Diane Dodds came in second with a comfortable margin over the third successful candidate, the Ulster Unionist Partys Jim Nicholson. Following up the three MEPs with challenging performances were the Social Democratic and Labour Partys Alex Attwood and the Traditional Unionist Voice leader Jim Allister. Anderson was new to the European elections and regained the seat for SF with ease, being the only candidate to pass the quota on the first count. The tussle between Nicholson, Attwood and Allister turned out to be more competitive for the third seat with only 7,000 first preference votes separating the three. In the end, it was a result that was largely expected. Drawing upon party political manifestos and leaflets, media coverage and other relevant sources, the report assesses the campaign, outcome and consequences of the 2014 European election in Northern Ireland.
Political Insight | 2017
Paul Hainsworth
POLITICAL INSIGHT • APRIL 2017 E ven before a single ballot is likely cast, the road to France’s 2017 presidential election has been strewn with shocks and surprises, from financial scandals to political controversies. With candidates and political parties leapfrogging one another in the opinion polls on a regular basis, pundits and commentators have struggled to gauge the undulating political mood. Such tumult seemed unlikely a year before the election, which is run over two rounds in April and May. Back then, the scenario seemed a repeat of the left/right run-off of the previous presidential election, when the ultimately successful François Hollande (Socialist Party, PS) and the then-incumbent Nicholas Sarkozy (Union for a Popular Movement, UMP) fought it out on the second ballot in 2012. However, after losing to Hollande in 2012, Sarkozy’s comeback efforts were thwarted Swings and Roundabouts, Ups and Downs: The French Presidential Election of 2017
Modern & Contemporary France | 2012
Paul Hainsworth
This study of the extreme right in France, from one of the most well-informed and prolific authors on the topic, situates the emergence, rise, impact and nature of JeanMarie Le Pen’s Front National (FN) in the context of the country’s tradition of authoritarian nationalism. Appropriately, then, this is amonographof twohalves. Part 1 (‘Lost Opportunities and Lost Causes’) chronologically and scholarly assesses the story back to war-time Vichy politics and thereafter through a veritable panorama of key developments taking in Poujadism, Algérie Franc aise, the extremeright forcesof the 1960s (including Tixier-Vignancour, Europe-Action, Young Nation and Occident) and the New Right and Ordre Nouveau movements that preceded and fed into the FN party that surfaced in the early 1970s. Each chapter is an interesting case study in itself; collectively they add up to a holistic analysis of three decades of far right presence and performance in France. Part 2 (‘Political Legitimation and the Fruits of Electoralism’) focuses on the Front National from 1972 to 2006. The chapters in Part 2 take the reader step by step through the ‘ups and downs’ and impact of the party from its early decade in the politicalwilderness, close to extinction, to the giddy heights of 2002, when Le Pen drew global attention when he reached the decisive second ballot run-off of the French presidential election, spectacularly ahead of the mainstream Socialist Party candidate in the process. Various chapters of this section provide fulsome analyses of the party’s evolving programme and strategy, the populist appeal of the party, its electoral composition and profile, and the functioning of the party in its local and regional strongholds. All in all, this is anexcellentbook inwhich theparts reallydoaddup to thewhole as the author’s sure-footed grasp of the detail, the historical continuities and ideological nuances help to produce what is surely the key bookwritten in English on the pre-2007 Front National. Indeed, this reviewer was impressed inter alia by the extensive research (and impressive bibliography), judicious structuring of the material and the fluently written presentation of the book. Clearly, a second edition is called for, in which the author will surely want to update his readership on the recent transition from Jean-Marie (including an analysis of the 2007 French presidential election and aftermath) to his daughter Marine Le Pen’s leadership of the party (a ‘new’ FN?) and her impact on and performance in the2012elections inFrance. Academics, students, researchers and followers of French, European and far right politics andmodernhistorywill learnmuch from Shields’s book and no doubt from a welcome and eagerly awaited new edition.
Regional & Federal Studies | 1997
Paul Hainsworth
East Timor: An Indonesian Intellectual Speaks Out. By George J Aditjondro. Deakin: Australian Council for Overseas Aid (A Development Dossier), 1994. Pp.65. No set price (paperback). ISBN 0 909 831 61 0. Power and Impunity: Human Rights under the New Order. By Amnesty International. London: Amnesty International, 1994. Pp.126. £4.95 (paperback). ISBN 0862 10 236 7. Surviving Indonesias Gulag: A Western Woman Tells Her Story. By Carmel Budiardjo. London and New York: Cassell, 1996. Pp.213. £12.99 (paperback), £19.99 (hardback). ISBN 0 304 33562 1 (pb). East Timor at the Crossroads: The Forging of a Nation. Edited by Peter Carey and G. Carter Bentley. London and New York: Cassell, 1995. Pp.259. £12.99 (paperback), £19.99 (hardback). ISBN 0 304 33421 0 (hb), 0 304 33265 (pb). East Timor: The Continuing Betrayal. By the Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR). London:. CIIR, 1996. Pp.43. £2.50 (paperback). ISBN 1 85287 151 2. International Law and the Question of East Timor. Edited by Catholic ...
Parliamentary Affairs | 2006
Paul Hainsworth
Representation | 2004
Paul Hainsworth