Paul Statham

Challenging the liberal nation‐state? Postnationalism, multiculturalism, and the collective claims making of migrants and ethnic minorities in Britain and Germany

As important aspects of purported tendencies toward globalization and pluralization, recent immigration waves and the resulting presence of culturally different ethnic minorities are often seen as fundamentally challenging liberal nation‐states and traditional models of citizenship. According to this perspective, migrants and ethnic minorities contribute through their claims making both to the external erosion of sovereignty (the postnational challenge), and to the internal cultural differentiation of liberal nation‐states (the multicultural challenge). In contrast, alternative theoretical approaches have emphasized the continuing relevance of the nation‐state in the processes of inclusion and exclusion of minorities. From these three perspectives on citizenship (postnational, multicultural, and national) a set of hypotheses is derived and tested with data on the collective claims making of migrants and ethnic minorities in two European countries, Britain and Germany, for the period 1990–95. The data show very little support for the postnational approach, mixed results regarding the multicultural model, and strong support for the continuing relevance of national models of citizenship. Counter to claims that national modes of migrant incorporation have become insignificant, the evidence shows that migrant claims making is still forged in the image of a particular nation‐state.

Resilient or adaptable Islam?: Multiculturalism, religion and migrants' claims-making for group demands in Britain, the Netherlands and France

This article investigates multiculturalism by examining the relationship between migrants’ group demands and liberal states’ policies for politically accommodating cultural and religious difference. It focuses especially on Islam. The empirical research compares migrants’ claims-making for group demands in countries with different traditions for granting recognition to migrants’ cultural difference – Britain, France and the Netherlands. Overall, we find very modest levels of group demands indicating that the challenge of group demands to liberal democracies is quantitatively less than the impression given by much multicultural literature. Group demands turn out to be significant only for Muslims, which holds across different countries. Qualitative analysis reveals problematic relationships between Islam and the state, in the overtly multicultural Dutch approach, within British race relations, and French civic universalism. This implies that there is no easy blueprint for politically accommodating Islam, whose public and religious nature makes it especially resilient to political adaptation.This article investigates multiculturalism by examining the relationship between migrants’ group demands and liberal states’ policies for politically accommodating cultural and religious difference. It focuses especially on Islam. The empirical research compares migrants’ claims-making for group demands in countries with different traditions for granting recognition to migrants’ cultural difference – Britain, France and the Netherlands. Overall, we find very modest levels of group demands indicating that the challenge of group demands to liberal democracies is quantitatively less than the impression given by much multicultural literature. Group demands turn out to be significant only for Muslims, which holds across different countries. Qualitative analysis reveals problematic relationships between Islam and the state, in the overtly multicultural Dutch approach, within British race relations, and French civic universalism. This implies that there is no easy blueprint for politically accommodating Islam, whose public and religious nature makes it especially resilient to political adaptation.

Political party contestation over Europe in the mass media: who criticizes Europe, how, and why?

This study examines political party contestation over Europe, its relationship to the left/right cleavage, and the nature and emergence of Euroscepticism. The analysis is based on a large original sample of parties’ claims systematically drawn from political discourses in the mass media in seven countries: Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland. It addresses questions concerning parties’ mobilized criticisms of European integration and the European Union (EU), specifically: their degree and form; their location among party families and within party systems; cross-national and diachronic trends; their substantive issue contents; whether their ‘Euro-criticism’ is more tactical or ideological; whether claims construct a cleavage; and their potential for transforming party politics. Findings show that a party’s country of origin has little explanatory power, once differences between compositions of party systems are accounted for. Also governing parties are significantly more likely to be pro-European, regardless of party-type. Regional party representatives, by contrast, are significantly more likely to be ‘Euro-critical’. Overall, we find a lop-sided ‘inverted U’ on the right of the political spectrum, but this is generated entirely by the significant, committed Euroscepticism of the British Conservatives and Schweizerische Volkspartei. There is relatively little evidence for Euroscepticism elsewhere at the core, where pro-Europeanism persists. Finally, parties’ Euro-criticism from the periphery mostly constructs substantive political and economic critiques of European integration and the EU, and is not reducible to strategic anti-systemic challenges.

The public sphere and debates about Europe in Britain: internalized and conflict driven?

This article undertakes an analysis of British public debates on European integration by recourse to an original data set on political claims-making. The public sphere is conceptualized as a space where citizens interact through their acts of public communication. Such public communications are an important source of the Europe-building process, because they potentially provide public inputs to the elite-led processes of European political institutional integration. Our empirical findings show that British public debates are internalized within the nation-state rather than creating links to supra- or transnational European polities. In addition, we find relatively low levels of civil society engagement compared to that of political elites, and a high level of political competition between the two major political parties, Labour and Conservative. Overall, we argue that elite ambivalence to Britains position within the European Union has created this climate of uncertainty and political competition over Europe.

How national citizenship shapes transnationalism: migrant and minority claims-making in Germany, Great Britain and the Netherlands

In general studies of globalization, as well as in the more specific literature on transnational migration, the nation-state and national citizenship are not exactly en vogue. Anything beyond (“postnationalism”), below (“the local,” “devolution”), above (“global discourses,” “supranational institutions”), between (“transnational communities”), or circumventing (“glocalism,” “global cities”) nation-states has the warm attention of the academic community. By contrast, the nation-state, if not ignored altogether, usually appears attached to prefixes such as “post-”, “trans-” and “supra-”, suggesting its actual or upcoming demise. We do not want to deny that the (actual or potential) new trends that are addressed by these strands of research do not deserve attention. To some extent it is legitimate to pay more attention to what is new than to that which remains the same.

Journalists as Commentators on European Politics: Educators, Partisans or Ideologues?

Questions of media performance seem to be inherently linked to any proposed solutions to Europe’s perceived ‘democratic deficit’. This article addresses a specific part of this story: the attempts by journalists from the national press to commentate politically on European affairs, and their selfperceptions about the opportunities and constraints facing them. The article’s main enquiry is whether commentating on Europe is different from commentating on national affairs. A model was constructed to assess types of political advocacy. The empirical study is based on interviews with a sample of journalists with four different roles, and from four different types of newspaper, from seven European countries. The main finding is that to the extent that they take on an advocacy role at all with regard to Europe, journalists see themselves as adopting an educational mode of raising public awareness, more than a political ‘partisan’ or ‘ideological campaign’ mode. Such findings are then discussed in relation to the broader issue of media performance over Europe.

Muslims in their European societies of settlement: a comparative agenda for empirical research on socio-cultural integration across countries and groups

ABSTRACT Islam has become the key site for demarcating boundaries between majority populations and individuals of immigrant origin across Europe. This article outlines a research agenda on the socio-cultural integration of Muslims in their Western European societies of settlement. Integration issues with regard to Muslims have especially tended to focus on cultural and religious aspects. This raises questions. First, does culture/religion matter in shaping Muslims’ relative disadvantage in the socio-economic domain? Alternatively, does Muslim social disadvantage result from majority societys discrimination and bias against religious/cultural difference? Second, religious and cultural difference seems to matter in its own right. Do Muslims identify with their countries of settlement and accept the core liberal democratic values and norms? Or do persistent socio-cultural ‘gaps’ between Muslims and non-Muslims result from intolerance by the majority population? The article outlines a theoretical approach and empirical research programme. The framework is cross-national comparative, including France, Germany, Britain, Netherlands, Belgium, and Switzerland. The main data source is a survey that includes four groups of Muslims from distinct countries of origin (Turks, Moroccans, former-Yugoslavians, and Pakistanis) plus a majority sample, which facilitates cross-group, cross-national comparison. This introduction concludes by introducing contributions that address a specific question embedded within the overall framework.

Becoming European? The Transformation of the British Pro-migrant NGO Sector in Response to Europeanization

This empirical study addresses the question of the emergent adaptation processes of the pro-migrant NGO sector in Britain in response to the advancing Europeanization of immigration policy. Our findings show European-level engagement by some key pioneer non-governmental organizations (NGOs), who have importantly built pathways and linkages to politics beyond the nation-state, as well as participating in the European arena through interaction within a new transnational organization, the European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE). Influence at the European level remains limited, however, largely due to the continued dominance of the restrictive nation-state policy imperatives.

The changing public face of Muslim associations in Britain: coming together for common 'social' goals?

This article examines the Muslim organizational field in Britain based on interviews with activists. It applies a political opportunity perspective to address the degree to which organizations’ aims and activities have been shaped by the contextual factors confronting them, or more independently, by ‘bottom-up’ beliefs and commitments drawn from their relationships to the community. Specifically, the empirical part examines, first, how activists perceive media representation as an opportunity or constraint, and second, how their organizations have constructed collective identities in order to advance their aims within the UK context. Generally, we find that organizations have come together using under a broad ascriptive ‘Muslim’ label that works across denominational, national and ethnic differences. Not only is this orientation a direct response to the pressures of community cohesion policies and discourses but it also has a strong independent and faith-based component in serving the community and its social needs. The resultant Muslim organizational field is strongly acculturative to UK society, but remains critically independent of governing authorities. Finally, organizations have responded to what they see as poor media representation of Muslims by proactively engaging in media work.

Relating news analysis and public opinion: applying a communications method as a 'tool' to aid interpretation of survey results

This article documents the methodological steps taken to use news analysis as a ‘tool’ for retrieving systematic information on political events to be used in the interpretation of findings from surveys on public opinion. The approach uses the selection function of mass media in producing ‘news’ as a proxy to identify the ‘political climate’ of a specific country at a specific time. This information on ‘political climate’ can be used to control whether ‘exceptional’ political events occurred during the period of fieldwork for surveys on public opinion that may have unduly biased the findings. Such a tool is especially useful for cross-national comparative survey research that is also longitudinal and the project described here was conducted within the framework of the European Social Survey (ESS). The specific news analysis method used to develop the tool draws inspiration from ‘claims-making analysis’.1