Paul V. Kroskrity

A Holistic Understanding of Arizona Tewa Passives

This article offers a holistic approach to the understanding of Arizona Tewa passives by examining them from typological, genetic-historical, and areal-historical perspectives. Two types of functional passives, IMPERSONAL and SEMANTIC, are contrastively analysed in terms of their grammatical properties and discourse functions. Genetic-historical comparison reveals the Arizona Tewa semantic passive to be rather anomalous in terms of other Kiowa-Tanoan languages. Areal-historical comparison suggests the influence of Apachean languages. A strategy of combining these distinct perspectives for historical analysis is shown to provide a more precise tool for the anthropological linguistic study of the past.*

Negation and Subordination in Arizona Tewa: Discourse Pragmatics Influencing Syntax

0. Introduction. This article explores the formal affinity of negation and subordination in Arizona Tewa. Comparative evidence from other Tanoan languages reveals that while this association of grammatical processes is a subfamily trait, Arizona Tewa has realized it in noncognate form. In an attempt to explain this innovation, the synchronic form of Arizona Tewa negatives is viewed as the grammaticalization of a discourse-pragmatic association with subordination. Lacking detailed historical documentation, the present account proceeds by inference from the contemporary structure and use of negatives in Arizona Tewa and other Tanoan languages.2 Hypotheses generated from these comparative findings receive significant support from analogous Australian language materials. In the concluding section, I suggest the implications of my findings beyond the data at hand, considering their more general typological and methodological relevance.

On Spanish Loans in Western Mono

PAYNE, DAVID L. 1981. The Phonology and Morphology of Axininca Campa. Summer Institute of Linguistics Publications in Linguistics, no. 66. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics and University of Texas at Arlington. RIBEIRO, DARCY, AND MARY RUTH WISE. 1978. Los grupos etnicos de la Amazonia Peruana. Comunidades y Culturas Peruanas, no. 13. Yarinacocha, Peru: Instituto Lingiiistico de Verano. RIVET, PAUL, AND ROBERT DE WAVRIN. 1951. Un nouveau dialecte arawak: le Resigaro. Journal de la Societe des Americanistes, n.s. 40:203-39. TRACY, FRANCES V. 1974. An introduction to Wapishana verb morphology. IJAL 40:120-25.

On Male and Female Speech in the Pueblo Southwest

After moving to the Instituto de Investigaciones Filologicas of the UNAM, she continued her work on Sahagiun materials. In 1980, she was awarded a grant by the National Endowment for the Humanities to work on an English version of her long-standing project of translation of Sahaguins Primeros memoriales, a collection of ethnographic texts and data in Nahuatl which were later incorporated into the famed Florentine Codex. This project was nearly completed at the time of her death and is being finished by colleagues in Mexico, the United States, and Europe. The Primeros memoriales will be published in English by the University of Oklahoma Press and in Spanish by the National University of Mexico. A homenaje in her honor is being organized by her friends and colleagues, and the Proceedings of the 1977 Dumbarton Oaks meetings will be dedicated to her memory.

Language, History, and Identity: Ethnolinguistic Studies of the Arizona Tewa.

The Arizona Tewa are a Pueblo Indian group that migrated around 1700 to First Mesa on the Hopi Reservation and who, while speaking Hopi have also retained their native language. Kroskrity examines this curiosity of language and culture, explaining the various ways in which the Tewa use their linguistic resources to successfully adapt to the Hopi and their environment while retaining their native language and the cultural identity it embodies.

Society For Linguistic Anthropology

While I find the formulation useful, I suggest instead a more expansive definition which recognizes the fact that costume is but one of a set of signs adopted by masculine drag artists. A drag king, male or female, expressly performs maleness by hyperbolizing the signs of masculinity, conversely, a drag queen expressly performs femaleness by hyperbolizing the signs of femininity. Biological maleness carries with it the social demand for an emphatic use of masculine signs; drag takes th is one step further by intentionally hyperbolizing and theatricizing those signs, regardless of gender. Such gender theatrically may sometimes attempt to render itself as genuine and seek to pass, but its origins always lay in a conscious performance of gendered stereotypes which are themselves hyperbolic. Passing women, by contrast, live their lives as men, preferring, as they do, understatement to hyperbole. Like biological men, they utilize the signs of masalinity emphatically; emphasis and hyperbole are quite different things. Gender theatricality, as defined above, is independent of sexual orientation; anyone can do it. Still, the fact remains that the great majority of drag artists are’either gay, lesbian or transgendered, and that all of the women with whom I worked built primary emotional and sexual relationships with other women. But when I asked them if there was any relationship between their sexual orientation and their work as drag artists, most responded negatively, attributing the choice instead to a profusion of feminist goals; only one suggested that it helped to have a sexual knowledge of women when entertahing as a drag king. Why then, were the drag kings all queer? In my introduction I suggested that since drag is by nature genderdisruptive, it has always come naturally/culturally to queers. But many scholars have linked drag to camp and seen both specifically as products of gay male culture; lesbians who did drag were simply borrowing the strategy (see Bergman; Meyer). I see this line of thinking as but another example of the pervasive tendency to view women as naught but a pale imitation of men. Drag, some claim, has a history among gay men that it simply does not among lesbians; therefore it must belong exclusively to gay male culture. I suggest rather that drag has something of a history among all gender transgressors, and that drag is attractive to all those who feel limited by their assigned gender roles. Women, however, had simply lost the space they had to perform it; the drag king concept, while ”always available,” never had the chance to develop “into a continuously generating tradition the way drag queen has” (Esther Newton, as quoted in Halbemam, 1998, p 301). While the first half of the 20th century saw a tradition of uoss-dressing actresses, blues women and lounge singers flourish (see Halberstam; Faderman; Ferris), the feminist movement of the 1970s fostered the spread of an anti-male attitude among women, especially lesbians, who until rather recently had little desire to engage masculinity in any form. Masculine women were ridiculed within feminist ranks for imitating men, while lesbian couples with a butch-femme aesthetic were chastised for aping heterosexuality and perpetuating the patriarchy (see Nestle; Faderman; Rubin). There was simply no friendly space for a drag king. Several of the women I spoke to expressed surprise that they were, in fact, accepted among the more “PC” lesbians, who “traditionally have hated men” (No less than three of the nine women I interviewed spoke these words to me). They did not expect their acts to go over as well as they did. It is true, I believe, that 15 or 20 years ago, their acts would not have been well received. But audiences have changed. Drag Kings have emerged in the 199Os, I suggest, because the political environment has changed yet again, and men are no longer cast as villains. Post-feminists are less willing to see themselves as victims of a male enemy and more likely to consider themselves liberated and independent actors. Young women today refuse to acknowledge any sort of genda imbalance they cannot overcome, and many respect the “new man” as a vital contributor to society. The age of AIDS, too, has drawn lesbians and gay men together, where they have found certain shared aspects of culture and sexuality; a lesbian can accept her attraction to masculinity and st i l l remain true to her politics. Women, feeling more secure in their gains and achievements, see themselves on a more equal footing with men. As men and masculinity grow in the esteem of women and lesbians, masculine women reap some of the benefits; because men are no longer perceived as threatening, it is safe once again for women to be masculine. It makes sense, then, that the post-feminist 1990s have finally opened up a space for Drag Kings to exist; it also accounts for the fact that nearly all of my informants went for the feminist explanation of why they do drag.