Pernille Rieker

Europeanization of Nordic Security The European Union and the Changing Security Identities of the Nordic States

During the Cold War period, the security policies of the Nordic states were referred to as the ‘Nordic balance’ — a combination of policies aimed at preserving a balance between the two superpowers. While the end of the Cold War paved the way for a different and more complex security approach, it took some time before the Nordic states responded to this new security context. The article argues that, rather than adapting to the changing conditions created by the end of the Cold War, the Nordic states changed their security approaches in response to the European integration process. It attempts to show how different phases in the post-Cold War European integration process have influenced the national security approaches of Sweden, Finland, Denmark and Norway. While all four security approaches have been Europeanized, the speed and the character of these changes seem to vary due to a combination of differing ties to the European Union and differing security policy traditions.

From Common Defence to Comprehensive Security: Towards the Europeanization of French Foreign and Security Policy?:

This article looks at the relationship between European integration and national foreign and security policy -specifically, how and to what extent the development of a European (EU) foreign and security policy leads to adaptation and change in national foreign and security policy. The theoretical point of departure is an interest in national changes in response to EU norms. It will be argued that national approaches tend to adapt to norms defined by an international community or institution to which they are closely linked; that this adaptation takes place over time, through a socialization process; and that it may also, in the end, lead to changes in national identity. This argument challenges the common assumption of international relations theory that national identities and/or interests are fixed and independent of structural factors like international norms and values. The empirical focus is on changes in French foreign and security policy since the early 1990s. How and to what extent has the dominant French national discourse on foreign and security policy changed since the early 1990s? And how are these changes related to the European integration process in general, and to the development of a European foreign and security dimension in particular?

The EU — A Capable Security Actor? Developing Administrative Capabilities

Abstract There is a large literature claiming that the EU has become an important international security actor. While this literature focuses on the political will and the ambitions of the EU, there has been less attention paid to the actual capabilities at the disposal for the EU. Any political organization needs some kind of relationship between aspirations and capabilities. If the EU is to be considered as an important security actor, we should also expect a certain degree of administrative capability in this policy area. Increased importance of the EU as a security actor would also imply increased capabilities. This article makes three contributions. First, by drawing upon insights from institutional theory I present a conceptual scheme for analyzing the dynamics of capabilities and assessing distinct configurations of capabilities. Secondly, I make an empirical account of the development of capabilities in the EU in the field of security policy. Finally, the article concludes with a discussion on the relationship between this specific capability configuration in the EU and its role as a security actor.

Norway and the ESDP: Explaining Norwegian Participation in the EU's Security Policy

Abstract This article aims to contribute to a better understanding of why various Norwegian governments of recent years have been willing to contribute to European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) operations and integrate into the ESDP structures despite their countrys increasingly limited access to the decision-making and/or decision-shaping process in this policy area. Norway participates in most of the ESDP structures in one way or the other—it contributes with troops and personnel to ESDP operations, participates in a battle group and has an association agreement with the European Defence Agency. The result of Norways will to integrate is that, as a non-member, it has become more integrated into the ESDP structures than members such as Denmark, who have chosen to opt out from this policy area. How can this be explained? Does the Norwegian government decide to participate because that is seen as the best way of pursuing Norwegian national interests, or are there other institutional or normative explanations for this policy choice?

The EU, Russia and the potential for dialogue – different readings of the crisis in Ukraine

ABSTRACT Recent developments in European security have shown the growing need for a better understanding of the security dynamics on the European continent. This article presents an analysis of differing Russian and European perceptions of European security in general, and concerning the crisis in Ukraine in particular. As much of the literature on these issues has been normatively driven, we aim to provide an impartial presentation and analysis of the dominant Russian and EU discourses. This we see as essential for investigating the potential for constructive dialogue between Russia and the EU. If simplistic assumptions about the motivations and intentions of other actors take hold in the public debate and policy analyses, the main actors may be drawn into a logic that is ultimately dangerous or counterproductive. With this article we offer a modest contribution towards discouraging such a development in Russia–EU relations. After presenting an analysis of the differing EU and Russian perceptions, we discuss the potential for dialogue between such different worldviews, and reflect on potential implications for European security. As the article shows, there are tendencies of a certain adjustment in the Union’s approach that may make a partial rapprochement between the two sides more likely.

The French Return to NATO: Reintegration in Practice, Not in Principle

Sarkozys decision to bring France back into NATOs integrated military structure in 2009 represents in some ways a break with French exceptionalism. But how deep is this change? This article examines whether the decision has led to a real integration of France along various dimensions of integration; whether the decision represents a continuation or a break with the traditional French approach and the effects of this reintegration on NATO/EU cooperation. The empirical analysis of French political and military practices in NATO combines a focus on macro-level foreign policy formulations with a micro-level study of how French officials and representatives communicate and interact on a day-to-day basis. The analysis shows that France has become increasingly integrated into NATO since 2009 on most dimensions except with regard to cultural integration. Thus, France may be reintegrated in practice, but not yet in principle.

The EEA and Norway Grants: A Source of Soft Power?

Abstract Much of the EU literature is concerned with power in one way or the other — voting power, negotiation power, normative power, etc. However, less attention has been accorded to the power of national financial contributions. While it is difficult to isolate the power potential linked to the size and the character of the contributions from the different member states it might be easier to investigate the power potential of the contributions of a close associated non-member, like Norway. This is precisely what this article attempts to do. It investigates the EEA and Norway Grants and asks whether the contribution can be viewed as a source of Norwegian soft power.

Outsidership and the European Neighbourhood Policy. The case of Norway

ABSTRACT This paper examines how and to what extent Norway adapts to and is affected by the EU’s policy towards its neighbours in the East. In line with the overall topic of the special issue, it investigates how Norway handles its “outsidership” when formulating its policies towards Union’s Eastern partner countries that have signed Association Agreements with the EU (Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova). While Norway is not an EU member, it is still highly integrated into most of the Union’s policy areas. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is one of the few policy areas where Norway is not participating. In principle, it therefore also has the liberty to choose a different approach than the EU in its bilateral relations with these countries. The question is to what extent it does. This paper investigates what kind of balance Norway seeks between autonomy and integration in relation to the ENP partner countries.

Autonomy or integration? Small-state responses to a changing European security landscape

ABSTRACT In this special issue, we examine whether there is a pattern in how small European states, inside and outside of the European Union (EU), adapt and adjust to EU foreign and security policy. We assess selected European small states’ room for manoeuvre within these fields, and within EU institutional structures more broadly, as part of everyday diplomatic interactions in Brussels and in the context of the rotating EU presidency. As the European integration process enters a new phase, possibly marked by a trend of more differentiated integration and flexibility of individual attachments, small states will continue to face the choice between formal autonomy and integration, and between de facto hesitance and adaptability. With Brexit, the remaining large states may become more influential, but small states will collectively have a majority of the votes and total population. Perhaps the coming era of European integration will become the era of small states.

EU-supported reforms in the EU neighbourhood as organized anarchies: the case of post-Maidan Ukraine

Abstract How does the EU and its member states organize their support for reforms in the countries of the EU Neighbourhood? Building on organization theory research on reforms as sets of loosely coupled ‘garbage can’ processes, we conceptualize the ENP induced reform processes as an organized framework connecting the reform capacities of not only the EU institutions but also EU member-state governments. We apply this approach to Ukraine in the post-Maidan period. We focus on the interplay between EU-level reform capacities and the capacities of two member states highly active in Ukraine, namely Germany and Sweden. As this case illustrates, the current approach provides a complementary perspective to mainstream approaches to the study of the EU’s external governance as it offers partial explanations of how organizational processes may impact on the efficiency of reforms promoted by the EU and its member states in the neighbouring countries.