Peter Ferdinand

The Internet, Democracy and Democratization

The Internet, democracy and democratisation, Peter Ferdinand paradoxical partners - electronic communication and electronic democracy, Beth Noveck democratising democracy - strong democracy, US political campaigns and the Internet, Jennifer Stromer-Galley revitalising the party system or zeitgeist On-line? virtual party headquarters and virtual party branches in Germany, Christoph Bieber the politics of African America On-line, Rohit Lekhi the neo-Nazis and Taliban On-line, Peter Chroust the Internet in Indonesias new democracy, David T. Hill, Krishna Sen the electronic republic? the role of the Internet I promoting democracy in Africa, Dana Ott, Melissa Rosser Tibet, democracy and the Internet Bazaar, John Bray.

Westward ho—the China dream and ‘one belt, one road’: Chinese foreign policy under Xi Jinping

Chinas domestic politics and foreign policy have evolved considerably under President Xi Jinping. Domestically the regime has actively promoted the idea of the ‘China dream’ to restore optimism and enthusiasm about its future, particularly among young people. Yet it has also sought to differentiate the socialist China dream from any resemblance to the American dream. Its main emphasis is on making China ‘strong and powerful’ again. In foreign policy, the leadership has become more active. While China has pursued a more robust policy in the South China Sea, it has also launched two extremely ambitious long-term projects to expand land and maritime transport links between China and Europe, termed the ‘one belt, one road’ initiative. They aim to promote development of western China, but if successful, they should also help to transform economic relations across large parts of Eurasia. In geopolitical terms, they will expand Chinas shadow over regions of the world where hitherto its presence has been relatively modest. They should strengthen links with Europe, as well as with other countries along the routes, to counterbalance potentially conflictual relations with the US. However, success will require active and enthusiastic cooperation from many neighbours. For that reason the risks are as great as the ambition.

Rising powers at the UN: an analysis of the voting behaviour of brics in the General Assembly

This article examines the long-term trends of foreign policy convergence of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (brics) to determine the similarity of their positions on world issues, as they seek to ‘insert’ themselves more fully into global decision making. The analysis is based upon their votes in the UN General Assembly. The article compiles two indexes of voting for the period 1974–2011. Both demonstrate a high and now growing degree of cohesion among brics. Their voting is broken down by pairs to show common themes and the major issue divergences, and how often individual states voted with others. Nuclear disarmament and human rights are the two areas that reveal persisting divergences between these states.

Foreign Policy Convergence in Pacific Asia: The Evidence from Voting in the UN General Assembly

Research Highlights and Abstract Research Highlights Comparative assessment of three indexes of voting cohesion Demonstrates the strong shared orientation towards global affairs among states in the Pacific Asian region, especially ASEAN and China, which is greater than that of the EU Shows the widespread reluctance of most Pacific Asian states publicly to criticize human rights abuses Shows the estrangement of the US from the foreign policy orientations of Pacific Asian states, even Japan and South Korea This article aims to do three things: (i) compare three different indexes for assessing the voting cohesion of regional groups of states in the UN General Assembly; (ii) use these indexes to assess the foreign policy convergence of states in Pacific Asia on global issues between 1974 and 2008; (iii) compare the extent of that convergence with the European Union (EU). All three indexes show a high degree of convergence in the voting records of states in Pacific Asia, but particularly in ASEAN, which is higher than in the EU. The most frequent cause of divergence since the end of the Cold War has been the reluctance of most states in the region, apart from Japan and South Korea, publicly to criticize the human rights records of other states. Although there are variations, the results also reveal the divergence in voting between states throughout the region and the US.

Russia and China: Converging Responses to Globalization

This article compares the impact of globalization on the political systems and political economy of Russia and China since the beginning of their respective reform periods. Overall, it argues that both should now be viewed within the paradigm of developmental states. The article first presents some comparative economic statistics on the changes that have taken place. Second, it looks at the converging attitudes of the two regimes towards industrial restructuring and privatization, highlighting the continued role that they both reserve for state direction. This includes an orientation towards national industrial champions. Third, the evolution of policies of both states towards guided democratization are discussed leading to an assessment of the importance of nationalism in their responses to globalization, particularly in the recent doctrine of sovereign democracy of Putins United Russia party. Finally, the article argues that a greater wariness towards western recipes for political and economic development will frame the efforts of both states to construct a more cooperative bilateral relationship.

Hong Kong in transition : one country, two systems

Part I: The Hong Kong Business Environment Part II: Government and Politics Part III: Law and Legality Part IV: Journalism and the Media

Russian and Soviet Shadows over China's future?

The major differences between the apparently similar communist regimes of the former USSR and the Peoples Republic of China (PRC), both before and after the introduction of economic and political reforms, are outlined in this article by Peter Ferdinand. He suggestsfurther that the PRC is unlikely to suffer the same kind or degree of ethnic disintegration that has been seen in theformer USSR. He also argues, however, that the PRC is still confronted by many of the same problems that confronted and defeated Gorbachev. These require decisive action, but the Chinese leadership still prize stability at all costs. They may learn from the Soviet experience. But do they have the vision, the vigour and the decisiveness to devise an overall strategy which would prevent a similar fate?

The party's over ‐ market liberalization and the challenges for one‐party and one‐party dominant regimes: The cases of Taiwan and Mexico, Italy and Japan

This article examines the recent political misfortunes of two ruling parties (the Institutional Revolutionary Party in Mexico and the Kuomintang in Taiwan) and of two dominant political parties (the Christian Democrats in Italy, and the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan). It compares the causes of their misfortune, and emphasises the impact of the need to open their economies to take advantage of international trade and to make their macro‐economic policies conform more to international standards. In particular this has reduced such parties’ ability to reserve economic rewards for political supporters. It argues that these difficulties are symptomatic of broader problems which many parties will find in attracting long‐term political support and members in an era where ideology plays a lesser role in political life, and where economic pressures for the opening of markets to international competition will increase.

Response to a response

Research Highlights This article Restates the differences in focus between the original article and the Response, which justifies the choice of 1974 as the starting date for analysis. Accepts the more nuanced analysis of the voting convergence of the ASEAN states. Restates the considerations leading to the decision to include all the UNGA resolutions in the period chosen as the basis of the analysis, rather than a filtered selection. Argues that these two articles provide hypotheses for further qualitative as well as quantitative analysis of the factors determining the voting behaviour of Pacific Asian states.

Hong Kong in Transition: The Handover Years@@@Hong Kong the Super Paradox: Life after Return to China

Introduction J.C.Hsiung - PART I: THE DOMESTIC SCENE - Government and Political Change in the Hong Kong SAR S.K.Lau - Hong Kong in the Midst of a Currency Crisis L.Ho - The Securities and Futures Markets: From July 1, 1997, the Year Under Review A.Neoh - Paradoxes of Hong Kongs Reversion: The Legal Dimension D.Fung - Strategic Development of the Hong Kong SAR: Social Policy, EIB Model, and Implications B.Leung - Press Freedom in Post-Reversion Hong Kong F.Ching - PART II: THE EXTERNAL SCENE - Paradox of Hong Kong as a Nonsovereign Actor J.C.Hsiung - Hong Kong in U.S.-China Relations D.S.L.Pauu - Weathering the Asian Financial Storm: Could the British Have Done Better? Y.Y.Kueh - HKSARs Relations with Its Chinese Sovereign W.Ting - Hong Kongs Reversion and Its Impact on Macau B.Liu - PART III: CONCLUSIONS - The Hong Kong SAR: Prisoner of Legacy or Historys Bellwether? J.C.Hsiung - Endnotes - Index