Peter H. Rossi

White and Black Careers During the First Decade of Labor Force Experience. Part I: Occupational Status.

Abstract Retrospective life history data are used in this analysis of the processes which lead to differential levels of occupational success, using data collected from cohorts of black and white men, aged 30–39 in 1968. The analysis shows that educational level far outweighs other individual characteristics in determining the occupational status of first jobs. The value of education for whites is about twice that for blacks. Results indicate that 58.3% of the status difference between blacks and whites is due to the different levels of background resources brought to the labor market, 32.5% is due to differences in efficacy of these resources, with the remaining 9.2% due to unexplained differences. The analysis of later job statuses shows that the initial status difference between the two groups was 5.59 status units, and widens to 10.95 units by the end of 10 years. The effects of occupational status of four clusters of intervening events and experiences are examined; educational activities, occupational activities, marital and family events, and residential movement. For both blacks and whites, activities in the educational sphere are most important in incrementing status. In determining the extent to which racial differences in status change are caused by differential levels of resources or differential efficacy of these resources, the analysis shows that approximately half the differences in status changes is due to original levels of resources and approximately half to the differential efficacy of the same resources and activities. In examining the effects of the intervening events, however, the efficacy of these events (primarily part-time education and on-the-job training) is just as great for blacks as for whites.

Police Perceptions of a Hostile Ghetto: Realism or Projection.

Self-fulfilling prophecies create a larger share of the results of social interaction than we sometimes care to admit. So it may be with the police and some of the local communities in which they are charged with maintaining &dquo;law and order.&dquo; In the last few years, there have been a number of instances where police departments, anticipating disorders either from black populations or white protestors, have acted in such a manner as to ensure that the anticipated disorders actually occurred. The Walker Report (1968) to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence assails the Chicago police for acting with such unrestrained violence and vindictiveness toward the protestors during the Democratic National Convention in 1968 that formerly peaceful demonstrators were led to more militant actions.