Phil Edwards

The Berlusconi Anomaly: Populism and Patrimony in Italy's Long Transition

The election of the second Berlusconi government in 2001 can be seen as a consequence of disunity on the left; this sprang from Italys incomplete transition from the ‘First Republic’ of 1948–1992, which aroused potentially incompatible demands for political normalization, openness to the radical left and ethical renovation. While the Berlusconi governments record has been confused and ineffectual, dominated by the shifting relations between coalition partners Forza Italia, Alleanza Nazionale and Lega Nord, the government has made sustained efforts to secure the anomalous position of Berlusconi himself. Berlusconi has resisted widespread political and legal opposition by orchestrating a combination of populism and patrimonialism; in the process he has blocked or reversed all three of the reforming drives of the 1990s. The Berlusconi government presents a challenge to Italys continuing transition, and to the countrys democratic institutions.

Closure through Resilience: The Case of Prevent

ABSTRACT This article argues that systemic resilience in the face of terrorism is best conceptualized as a response to disruption of the political sphere, brought about by the forceful incursion of a would-be political actor. The ideological negotiation required to deal with political disruption is related to the “cycle of contention” model: engagement may take inclusive or exclusive forms, with consequences for the openness and hence the future resilience of the system. When the arguments used to support the British governments “Prevent” counterradicalization initiative are analyzed in these terms, the engagement is shown to be emphatically exclusive.

More work! Less pay: rebellion and repression in Italy, 1972–77

In the mid-1970s, a wave of contentious radicalism swept through Italy. Groups and movements such as ‘Proletarian youth’, ‘metropolitan Indians’ and ‘the area of Autonomy’ practised new forms of activism, confrontational and often violent. Creative and brutal, intransigent and playful, the movements flourished briefly before being suppressed through heavy policing and political exclusion. This is the first full-length study in English of these movements. Building on Sidney Tarrow’s ‘cycle of contention’ model and drawing on a wide range of Italian materials, Phil Edwards tells the story of a unique and fascinating group of political movements, and of their disastrous engagement with the mainstream Left. As well as shedding light on a neglected period of twentieth century history, this book offers lessons for understanding today’s contentious movements (‘No Global’, ‘Black Bloc’) and today’s ‘armed struggle’ groups. This book will be of great interest to scholars in the fields of Italian politics and society; the sociology of social movements; and terrorism and political violence.

Does Populism Exist

From the UK Independence Party to Forza Italia, populist incomers in democratic politics typically present themselves as challengers to the system itself as well as to its current occupiers. The im...

Where, how, who? Some questions for restorative justice

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyse the settings, mechanisms and beneficiaries of restorative justice, querying whether a single procedure can have the wide-ranging benefits – to victims, offenders and the broader community – which have been attributed to restorative justice. Design/methodology/approach – The paper assesses the claims made for restorative justice in the light of contemporary British experience, taking evidence from the published evaluations of three Home Office-funded restorative justice schemes (Shapland et al., 2004, 2006a, 2007, 2008). Findings – It is found that ideas of community have played little part in restorative justice practice in Britain, but that restorative justice may benefit both victims and offenders. Given the differing needs of the two groups, it is suggested that this may be conditional on the prior articulation of relationships of interdependency – which in turn may strengthen informal communities. Originality/value – This paper clarifies the distinct b...

New ASBOs for old

The Anti-Social Behaviour Order (ASBO) was designed as a civil/criminal hybrid, preventive in structure and with a largely undefined object. After 2002, legal challenges to the ASBO led to the use of justificatory arguments from cumulative effect, and to the introduction of new measures which offered to regulate anti-social behaviour in more legally acceptable forms. In 2014 the Coalition government replaced the ASBO with two new instruments: a post-conviction Criminal Behaviour Order (CBO) and a wholly-civil anti-social behaviour injunction (ASB Injunction). While the CBO and the ASB Injunction build on this history, it is argued that they do not represent a new approach to anti-social behaviour so much as a continuation of the ASBO by other means.

Guerrilla USA: The George Jackson Brigade and the Anticapitalist Underground of the 1970s

Addressing these questions would have touched upon several issues in more depth, such as the Falungong’s ability to organize a massive yet orderly protest, its successful penetration into the CCP and so on. Nevertheless, Revenge of the Forbidden City is an excellent addition to studies of contemporary China. It provides us with a rich empirical case of a failed quasi-religious movement and detailed analyses of the inner workings of China’s authoritarian regime. The book would be particularly useful for a graduate seminar in Chinese and/or East Asian studies. It could also be used in an advanced undergraduate course. It will greatly benefit scholars of Chinese politics, religion, media, history, and society, as well as social movements.