Phillip B. Wagoner

Precolonial Intellectuals and the Production of Colonial Knowledge

Recent years have seen the emergence of a lively debate over the nature of “colonial knowledge”—those forms and bodies of knowledge that enabled European colonizers to achieve domination over their colonized subjects around the globe. Lying at the heart of the debate are two opposing evaluations of the role played by colonized subjects in the production of colonial knowledge. One position holds that the role of the colonized was negligible—at most, permitting some of them to serve as passive informants, providing raw information to the active European colonizers who produced the new knowledge by imposing imported modes of knowing upon the raw data of local society. In contrast, the other holds that indigenous intellectuals in reality contributed actively to the process, and that colonial knowledge was thus produced through a complex form of collaboration between colonizers and colonized, and an attendant process of epistemic confrontation and adjustment between European and indigenous knowledge systems. Although this debate has focused primarily on one colonial context—that of British India—it has important ramifications for the broader history of colonialism, and is complemented by contributions relating to other areas of European colonialism (Cooper and Stoler 1997:11–18).

“Sultan among Hindu Kings”: Dress, Titles, and the Islamicization of Hindu Culture at Vijayanagara

When Robert Sewell inaugurated the modern study of the South Indian state of Vijayanagara with his classic A Forgotten Empire (1900), he characterized the state as “a Hindu bulwark against Muhammadan conquests” (Sewell [1900] 1962, 1), thereby formulating one of the enduring axioms of Vijayanagara historiography. From their capital on the banks of the Tungabhadra river, the kings of Vijayanagara ruled over a territory of more than 140,000 square miles, and their state survived three changes of dynasty to endure for a period of nearly three hundred years, from the mid-fourteenth through the mid-seventeenth centuries (Stein 1989, 1–2). According to Sewell, this achievement was to be understood as “the natural result of the persistent efforts made by the Muhammadans to conquer all India” ([1900] 1962, 1). Hindu kingdoms had exercised hegemony over South India for most of the previous millennium, but were divided among themselves when the Muslim forces of Muhammad bin Tughluq swept over the South in the early decades of the fourteenth century: “When these dreaded invaders reached the Krishna River the Hindus to their south, stricken with terror, combined, and gathered in haste to the new standard [of Vijayanagara] which alone seemed to offer some hope of protection. The decayed old states crumbled away into nothingness, and the fighting kings of Vijayanagar became the saviours of the south for two and a half centuries” (Sewell [1900] 1962, 1).

Money use in the Deccan, c. 1350-1687: The role of Vijayanagara hons in the Bahmani currency system

This article examines the interactions between two distinct currency systems that dominated the Deccan during the period c. 1350–1687—that of the Bahmani sultanate and its successor states, and that of the Vijayanagara kingdom and its successors. Based on a GIS database of over 300 reported coin hoards containing material issued by either state, the study demonstrates that while the Bahmani currency was limited in circulation to Bahmani territory, the coinage of Vijayanagara in contrast enjoyed wide circulation throughout the entire Deccan region. This was evidently due to a high demand in rural areas for the small, conveniently-sized gold coins of Vijayanagara known as hon, since gold coins of similar weight, purity and fabric had customarily been used throughout the Deccan to pay agricultural taxes since the late tenth century. By the opening years of the sixteenth century, agricultural and commercial taxes within the Bahmani territory were being assessed and collected in Vijayanagara-issued hons. The Vijayanagara hon circulated in such great numbers in Bahmani territory that it became an integral part of the economy of the Bahmanis and their successors, prompting Firishta to note (in 1607 CE) that ‘even up to the present day, that same infidel coinage is current among the Muslims’.

Book Review: Upinder Singh and Parul Pandya Dhar, eds, Asian Encounters: Exploring Connected Histories

Upinder Singh and Parul Pandya Dhar, eds, Asian Encounters: Exploring Connected Histories, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2014, p. 235.

George Michell, Late Temple Architecture of India, 15th to 19th Centuries: Continuities, Revivals, Appropriations, and Innovations

plex, and historically contingent, urban landscape at Aihole wherein the Early Chalukya temples were both a supplement and complement to pre-existing sacred constructions and non-sacred spaces and where royal identity was constituted in negotiation with non-royal perception of the landscape. Hemanth Kadambi, ‘Sacred landscapes in Early Medieval South India: the Chalukya State and Society (ca. 550–750 AD)’, (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan, 2011). See also Himanshu Prabha Ray, ‘Creating Religious Identity: Archaeology of Early Temples in the Malaprabha Valley’, in Archaeology and Text: The Temple in South Asia, ed. by Himanshu Prabha Ray (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 15–36.