Ragini Sen

Cross-Cultural Dimensions of Meaning in the Evaluation of Events in World History?: Perceptions of Historical Calamities and Progress in Cross-Cultural Data From Thirty Societies

The universality versus culture specificity of quantitative evaluations (negative-positive) of 40 events in world history was addressed using World History Survey data collected from 5,800 university students in 30 countries/societies. Multidimensional scaling using generalized procrustean analysis indicated poor fit of data from the 30 countries to an overall mean configuration, indicating lack of universal agreement as to the associational meaning of events in world history. Hierarchical cluster analysis identified one Western and two non-Western country clusters for which adequate multidimensional fit was obtained after item deletions. A two-dimensional solution for the three country clusters was identified, where the primary dimension was historical calamities versus progress and a weak second dimension was modernity versus resistance to modernity. Factor analysis further reduced the item inventory to identify a single concept with structural equivalence across cultures, Historical Calamities, which included man-made and natural, intentional and unintentional, predominantly violent but also nonviolent calamities. Less robust factors were tentatively named as Historical Progress and Historical Resistance to Oppression. Historical Calamities and Historical Progress were at the individual level both significant and independent predictors of willingness to fight for one’s country in a hierarchical linear model that also identified significant country-level variation in these relationships. Consensus around calamity but disagreement as to what constitutes historical progress is discussed in relation to the political culture of nations and lay perceptions of history as catastrophe.

Cross-Cultural Dimensions of Meaning in the Evaluation of Events in World History?

The universality versus culture specificity of quantitative evaluations (negative-positive) of 40 events in world history was addressed using World History Survey data collected from 5,800 university students in 30 countries/societies. Multidimensional scaling using generalized procrustean analysis indicated poor fit of data from the 30 countries to an overall mean configuration, indicating lack of universal agreement as to the associational meaning of events in world history. Hierarchical cluster analysis identified one Western and two non-Western country clusters for which adequate multidimensional fit was obtained after item deletions. A two-dimensional solution for the three country clusters was identified, where the primary dimension was historical calamities versus progress and a weak second dimension was modernity versus resistance to modernity. Factor analysis further reduced the item inventory to identify a single concept with structural equivalence across cultures, Historical Calamities, which included man-made and natural, intentional and unintentional, predominantly violent but also nonviolent calamities. Less robust factors were tentatively named as Historical Progress and Historical Resistance to Oppression. Historical Calamities and Historical Progress were at the individual level both significant and independent predictors of willingness to fight for one’s country in a hierarchical linear model that also identified significant country-level variation in these relationships. Consensus around calamity but disagreement as to what constitutes historical progress is discussed in relation to the political culture of nations and lay perceptions of history as catastrophe.

Cultural Mechanics of Fundamentalism: Religion as Ideology, Divided Identities and Violence in Post-Gandhi India:

This study analyses the history of Hindu fundamentalism up to the present time, as it developed since India’s independence. In the course of its rise, Hindutva destroyed the Gandhian symbolism of non-violence, reinterpreted cultural symbols to become political signs and prepared the ground for communal violence. Secularists and the religious out-group, Muslims, became targeted as enemies. During the resulting Hindu ethnic dominance, religion was converted from a faith into an ideology. The sequence of events in the development of this movement repeats the common scheme of a religious fundamentalist movement that serves the nationalist goals of political leaders. It is argued that such groups cannot reasonably be conceptualized in terms of an individual psychology or personality, that is, a trait, but as a cultural movement that unites people sharing membership of a social class, that is, a sociocultural state. Such movements, in contrast to Abrahamic religious fundamentalisms, do not form well-established stable groups over time, but are more like a waxing and waning political movement where membership is determined by social class and ethnic identity. Their politics trigger a heightened awareness of ethnic identity, prime a religiously ideological mindset and, as a consequence, release communal violence.

Diasporic virginities: Social representations of virginity and identity formation amongst British Arab Muslim women

This study compares how practising and non-practising British Arab Muslim women position themselves in relation to representations of virginity. Overall, in our qualitative study, we found that representations of culture and religion influenced social practices and social beliefs in different ways: non-practising Muslim women felt bound by culture to remain virgins, while practising Muslim women saw it as a religious obligation but were still governed by culture regarding the consequences of engaging in premarital sex. Interestingly, some practising Muslim participants used Mut’a (a form of temporary ‘marriage’) to justify premarital sex. This, however, did not diminish the importance of virginity in their understanding and identification as Arab women. In fact, this study found that virginity, for the British Arabs interviewed, embodied a sense of ‘Arabness’ in British society. Positioning themselves as virgins went beyond simply honour; it was a significant cultural symbol that secured their sense of cultural identity. In fact this cultural identity was often so powerful that it overrode their Islamic identities, prescribing their behaviour even if religion was seen as more ‘forgiving’.

The politics of moving beyond prejudice

Dixon et al. have highlighted the importance of a political conceptualisation of intergroup relations that challenges individualising models of social change. As important as this paper is for the development of critical debates in psychology, we can detect at least three issues that warrant further discussion: (a) the cultural and historical conditions of structural inequality and its perception, (b) the marginalisation of post-colonial works on collective mobilisation, and (c) acknowledging the complex perspectives and politics of those targeted by prejudice.

Where Are We Going? Perspective on Hindu–Muslim Relations in India

The twin issues of making peace and building it over time, which are very much at the forefront of social concerns in contemporary India, remain a major source of worry and require a thoughtful understanding. The lack of effort that has been dedicated towards the development of a systematic understanding of the psychological dynamics underpinning intergroup hostility and violence between Hindus and Muslims in India is disappointing to say the least. While elaborate analyses and accounts of these intergroup dynamics have emerged from academic disciplines such as sociology, political science, economics and history (e.g. Basu, Datta, Sarkar, Sarkar, & Sen, 1993; Brass, 2003; Engineer, 1995; Lal, 2003b; Ludden, 2005; Pandey, 1991; Varshney, 2002; Wilkinson, 2004), psychological theory and research with some predictive validity have been slow to emerge (Ghosh & Kumar, 1991; Hutnik, 2004; Kakar, 1996; Nandy, 1990; Singh, 1989). This brings to the forefront a couple of basic queries: (a) how can the discipline of psychology contribute towards the current understanding of intergroup dynamics in India and (b) can psychological theory and research translate into knowledge and action to promote peaceful coexistence in applied contexts? The objective of this chapter is to address these two questions which comprise the core of our account. We will begin this endeavour by briefly reviewing theoretical and empirical paradigms that have been explored previously. These will then be juxtaposed against the historical, social and political contexts of Hindu–Muslim relations in India to elucidate those issues that have been adequately investigated, but most importantly, those issues that need further elaboration and inquiry. Before embarking upon this assessment, we will provide a brief outline of the historical, political and social contexts of Hindu–Muslim relations in India. We maintain that for analysing socially meaningful phenomena it is necessary to depart from the habitually close confines of psychology’s argumentation and to include historical, cultural, social and political perspectives in analysis and theorising (Valsiner, 2001). Consequently, this chapter aims to gather insights from other disciplines and integrate them with psychological understanding in order to help augment the psychology of peace and conflict resolution.

Transcending Boundaries: Fundamentalism, Secularism and Social Capital in Multi-faith Societies

In this chapter, we show that in contexts of cultural and religious difference a social and political commitment to secularism can lead to enhanced religious tolerance, increased social capital and political change. Interview data from the Indian context with Muslim and Hindu young men shows that a non-western interpretation of secularism, drawn from Gandhi and also Habermas, has important social, political and psychological consequences. Here, state politics is not separated from religion per se, but rather that state politics is separated from affiliation with one religion. Hence, religious politics in a secular context helps to overcome inter-ethnic and religious divides and thereby discourage religious fundamentalism. Evaluation of out-groups is largely based on bipolar concepts: inter-group, Orient-Occident or religious-secular and contemporary western discourse, which sustains an oppositional construction of the categories of religion and the secular are both challenged. Instead, the present research calls for a re-conceptualization of the relationship between religion and secularism that is not simply bipolar, insular and isolated. It emphasizes that, religion and secularism should be perceived as dialectically connected on a continuum. Further, emphasis is on moral maturation and augmenting of social capital. Finally, it establishes that in India the central belief is that a heterogeneous and multi-faith society must be based on trust and reciprocity. An opening of communicative spaces can contribute to inter-group harmony. Reciprocity based on trust increases social capital, which facilitates civic integration. This should be leveraged. There should be little space for corrupt politicians but pivotal space for the hegemony of social capital and moral maturation, which can help in the promotion of social solidarity and mature democracy.

Results and Interpretation

“Othering” leads to a binary world view which demarcates “us” from “them,” and this in turn escalates conflict. Instead, the present research emphasizes a reconceptualization of the relationship between religion and secularism that is not simply bipolar, insular, and isolated. In India these two categories are often viewed as transactional units. An emerging social category, religious–secular, which is neither isolated from secular domains or religion but is a syncretic mode of positioning, is brought up front. Further, complementaries across diverse constituencies, which cluster around three main anchoring points, communication, re-presentations, and operationalizing of a shared dream, are traced. Finally it is established that in India the central belief is that a heterogenous and multi-faith society must be based on trust and reciprocity; it must leverage on social capital and foster peaceful coexistence. It should leave little space for corrupt politicians but pivotal space for religious–secular hegemony. It calls for the involvement of civil society and regular people. This is the central message for the powers that be at both the national and global levels.

Method: Locating the Offbeat

In this chapter research concepts, design, coverage, data collection, and other field-related issues are presented. It is stressed that a holistic social representational approach is required to transcend divisions and examine the interconnections between societal, institutional, and everyday levels and their impact on secularism. Finally the perceptions and field observations of the interviewers, which show that with reference to conflict resolution, minorities are hopeful but majority is despondent, are reported and analyzed.